It's pop-quiz
time when it comes to the American way of war: three questions, torn from the
latest news, just for you. Here's the first of them, and good luck!
Two weeks
ago, 200 US marines began armed operations in .. ?:
(a) Afghanistan (b) Pakistan (c) Iran (d) Somalia (e) Yemen (f) Central Africa (g) Northern Mali (h) The Philippines (i) Guatemala
If you opted
for any answer, "a" through "h", you took a reasonable shot
at it. After all, there's an ongoing American war in Afghanistan and somewhere
in the southern part of that country, 200 armed US marines could well have been
involved in an operation. In Pakistan, an undeclared, CIA-run air war has long
been under way, and in the past there have been armed border crossings by US
special operations forces as well as US piloted cross-border air strikes, but
no marines.
When it comes
to Iran, Washington's regional preparations for war are staggering. The
continual buildup of US naval power in the Persian Gulf, of land forces on
bases around that country, of air power (and anti-missile defenses) in the
region should leave any observer breathless. There are US special operations
forces near the Iranian border and Central Intelligence Agency drones regularly
over that country.
In
conjunction with the Israelis, Washington has launched a cyberwar against
Iran's nuclear program and computer systems. It has also established fierce oil
and banking sanctions, and there seem to have been at least some US
cross-border operations into Iran going back to at least 2007.
In addition,
a recent front-page New York Times story on US administration attempts to
mollify Israel over its Iran policy included this ominous line: "The
administration is also considering ... covert activities that have been
previously considered and rejected." So 200 armed marines in action in
Iran - not yet, but don't get down on yourself, it was a good guess.
In Somalia,
according to Wired magazine's "Danger Room" blog, there have been far
more US drone flights and strikes against the Islamic extremist al-Shabaab
movement and al-Qaeda elements than anyone previously knew. In addition, the US
has at least partially funded, supported, equipped, advised, and promoted proxy
wars there, involving Ethiopian troops back in 2007 and more recently Ugandan
and Burundian troops (as well as an invading Kenyan army). In addition, CIA
operatives and possibly other irregulars and hired guns are well established in
Mogadishu, the capital.
In Yemen, as
in Somalia, the combination has been proxy war and strikes by drones (as well
as piloted planes), with some US Special Forces advisers on the ground, and
civilian casualties (and anger at the US) rising in the southern part of the
country - but also, as in Somalia, no marines.
Central
Africa? Now, there's a thought. After all, at least 100 Green Berets were sent
in there this year as part of a campaign against Joseph Kony's Ugandan-based
Lord's Resistance Army. As for northern Mali, taken over by Islamic extremists
(including an al-Qaeda-affiliated group), it certainly presents a target for
future US intervention - and we still don't know what those three US Army
commandos who skidded off a bridge to their deaths in their Toyota Land Cruiser
with three "Moroccan prostitutes" were doing in a country with which
the US military had officially cut its ties after a democratically elected government
was overthrown.
But 200
marines operating in war-torn areas of Africa? Not yet.
When it comes to the Philippines, again no marines, even though US Special Forces and drones have been aiding the government in a low-level conflict with Islamic militants in Mindanao.
When it comes to the Philippines, again no marines, even though US Special Forces and drones have been aiding the government in a low-level conflict with Islamic militants in Mindanao.
As it
happens, the correct, if surprising, answer is "i". And if you chose
it, congratulations!
On August 29,
The Associated Press reported that a "team of 200 US marines began
patrolling Guatemala's western coast this week in an unprecedented operation to
beat drug traffickers in the Central America region, a US military spokesman
said Wednesday".
This could
have been big news. It's a sizable enough intervention: 200 marines sent into
action in a country where the US last had a military presence in 1978. If this
wasn't the beginning of something bigger and wider, it would be surprising,
given that commando-style operatives from the US Drug Enforcement
Administration have been firing weapons and killing locals in a similar effort
in Honduras, and that, along with US drones, the CIA is evidently moving ever
deeper into the drug war in Mexico.
In addition,
there's a history here. After all, in the early part of the previous century,
sending in the marines - in Nicaragua, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and
elsewhere - was the way Washington demonstrated its power in its own "back
yard". And yet other than a few straightforward news reports on the
Guatemala intervention, there has been no significant media discussion, no
storm of criticism or commentary, no mention at either political convention,
and no debate or discussion about the wisdom of such a step in this country.
Odds are that you didn't even notice it had happened.
Think of it
another way: in the post-2001 era, along with two disastrous wars on the
Eurasian mainland, the US has been regularly sending in the marines or Special
Operations forces, as well as naval, air and robotic power. Such acts are, by
now, so ordinary that they are seldom considered worthy of much discussion in
the US, even though no other country acts (or even has the capacity to act)
this way. This is simply what Washington's National Security Complex does for a
living.
At the
moment, it seems, a historical circle is being closed with the US Marine Corps
once again heading back into Latin America as the "drug war"
Washington proclaimed years ago becomes an actual drug war. It's a
demonstration that, these days, when Washington sees a problem anywhere on the
planet, its version of a "foreign policy" is most likely to call on
the US military. Force is increasingly not America's option of last resort, but
its first choice.
Now, consider
Question 2 in our little snap quiz of recent war news: in 2011, what percentage
of the global arms market did the US control? (Keep in mind that, as everyone
knows, the world is an arms bazaar filled with haggling merchants. Though the
Cold War and the superpower arms rivalry is long over, there are obviously
plenty of countries eager to peddle their weaponry, no matter what conflicts may
be stoked as a result.):
a) 37% (US$12.1 billion), followed closely by Russia ($10.7 billion), France, China and Britain.
b) 52.7% ($21.3 billion), followed by Russia at 19.3% ($12.8 billion), France, Britain, China, Germany and Italy.
c) 68% ($37.8 billion), followed by Italy at 9% ($3.7 billion) and Russia at 8% ($3.5 billion).
d) 78% ($66.3 billion), followed by Russia at 5.6% ($4.8 billion).
Naturally,
you eliminated "d" first. Who wouldn't? After all, cornering close to
80% of the arms market would mean that the global weapons bazaar had in essence
been converted into a monopoly operation.
Of course,
it's common knowledge that the US arms giants, given a massive helping hand in
their marketing by the Pentagon, remain the collective 800-pound gorilla in any
room. But 37% of that market is nothing to sniff at. (At least, it wasn't in
1990, the final days of the Cold War when the Russians were still a major
competitor worldwide.)
As for 52.7%,
what national industry wouldn't bask in the glory of such a figure - a majority
share of arms sold worldwide? (And, in fact, that was an impressive percentage
back in the dismal sales year of 2010, when arms budgets worldwide were still
feeling the pain of the lingering global economic recession.)
Okay, so what
about that hefty 68%? It couldn't have been a more striking achievement for US
arms makers back in 2008 in what was otherwise distinctly a lagging market.
The correct
answer for 2011, however, is the singularly unbelievable one: the US actually
tripled its arms sales last year, hitting a record high, and cornering almost
78% of the global arms trade. This was reported in late August but, like those
200 marines in Guatemala, never made in on to front pages or into the top TV
news stories. And yet if arms were drugs (and it's possible that, in some
sense, they are, and that we humans can indeed get addicted to them), then the
US has become something close enough to the world's sole dealer. That should be
front-page news, shouldn't it?
Okay, so
here's the third question in today's quiz:
From a local
base in which country did US Global Hawk drones fly long-range surveillance
missions between late 2001 and at least 2006?
a) Seychelles (b) Ethiopia (c) An unnamed Middle Eastern country (d) AustraliaActually, the drone base the US has indeed operated in the Seychelles archipelago in the Indian Ocean was first used only in 2009, and the drone base Washington has developed in Ethiopia by upgrading a civilian airport only became operational in 2011. As for that "unnamed Middle Eastern country", perhaps Saudi Arabia, the new airstrip being built there, assumedly for the CIA's drones, may now be operational.
Once again,
the right answer turns out to be the unlikely one. Recently, the Australian
media reported that the US had flown early, secretive Global Hawk missions out
of a Royal Australian Air Force Base at Edinburgh, South Australia. These were
detected by a "group of Adelaide aviation historians". The Global
Hawk, an enormous drone, can stay in the air a long time. What those flights
were surveilling back then is unknown, though North Korea might be one guess.
Whether they continued beyond 2006 is also unknown.
Unlike the
previous two stories, this one never made it into the US media and if it had, would
have gone unnoticed anyway. After all, who in Washington or among US reporters
and pundits would have found it odd that, long before its recent,
much-ballyhooed "pivot" to Asia, the US was flying some of its
earliest drone missions over vast areas of the Pacific? Who even finds it
strange that, in the years since 2001, the US has been putting together an ever
more elaborate network of its own drone bases on foreign soil, or that it has
an estimated 1,000-1,200 military bases scattered across the planet, some the
size of small US towns (not to speak of scads of bases in the United States)?
Like those
marines in Guatemala, like the near-monopoly on the arms trade, this sort of
thing is hardly considered significant news in the US, though in its size and
scope it is surely historically unprecedented.
Nor does it
seem strange to us Americans that no other country on the planet has more than
a tiny number of bases outside its own territory: the Russians have a scattered
few in the former Soviet republics and a single old naval base in Syria that
has been in the news of late; the French still have some in francophone Africa;
the British have a few leftovers from their own imperial era, including the
island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, which has in essence been
transformed into a US base; and the Chinese may be in the process of setting up
a couple of modest bases as well. Add up every non-US base on foreign soil,
however, and the total is probably less than 2% of the American empire of
bases.
Investing in
war
It would, by
the way, be a snap to construct a little quiz like this every couple of weeks
from US military news that's reported but not attended to, and each quiz would
make the same essential point: From Washington's perspective, the world is
primarily a landscape for arming for, garrisoning for, training for, planning
for, and making war. War is what we in the US invest our time, energy and
treasure in on a scale that is, in its own way, remarkable, even if it seldom
registers in this country.
In a sense
(leaving aside the obvious inability of the US military actually to win wars),
it may, at this point, be what we do best. After all, whatever the results,
it's an accomplishment to send 200 marines to Guatemala for a month of
drug-interdiction work, to get those Global Hawks secretly to Australia to
monitor the Pacific, and to corner the market on things that go boom in the
night.
Think of it
this way: the United States is alone on the planet, not just in its ability,
but in its willingness to use military force in drug wars, religious wars,
political wars, conflicts of almost any sort, constantly and on a global scale.
No other group of powers collectively even comes close. It also stands alone as
a purveyor of major weapons systems and so as a generator of war. It is, in a
sense, a massive machine for the promotion of war on a global scale.
We have, in
other words, what increasingly looks like a monopoly on war.
There have,
of course, been warrior societies in the past that committed themselves to a
mobilized life of war-making above all else. What's unique about the United
States is that it isn't a warrior society.
Quite the
opposite.
Washington
may be mobilized for permanent war. Special Operations forces may be in up to
120 countries. Drone bases may be proliferating across the planet. We may be
building up forces in the Persian Gulf and "pivoting" to Asia.
Warrior corporations and rent-a-gun mercenary outfits have mobilized on the
country's disparate battle fronts to profit from the increasingly privatized
21st-century US version of war.
The American
people, however, are demobilized and detached from the wars, interventions,
operations, and other military activities done in their name. As a result, 200
marines in Guatemala, almost 78% of global weapons sales, drones flying
surveillance from Australia - no one here notices; no one here cares.
War: it's
what we do the most and attend to the least. It's a nasty combination.
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