The enemies of Jim Crow
by Jeff Jacoby
In the long dark night that followed Reconstruction, what was the engine
that drove Jim Crow? Did
segregationist laws codify the existing social practice, or was it the laws
themselves that segregated the South?
Many people might
intuitively assume that Southern racism had led to entrenched public
segregation long before Southern legislatures made it mandatory. Not so.
Separate facilities for blacks and whites were not routine in the South until
the early 20th century. Racism there surely was, but as C. Vann
Woodward observed in The Strange Career of Jim
Crow, his influential history of
post-Civil War segregation, the idea of formally separating the races in places
of public accommodation initially struck many white Southerners as daft. In
1898, the editor of South Carolina's oldest and most conservative newspaper,
the Charleston News and Courier, responded to a proposal for
segregated railroad cars with what was meant to be scathing ridicule:
"If we must
have Jim Crow cars on the railroads, there should be Jim Crow . . . passenger
boats," he wrote. "Moreover, there should be Jim Crow waiting saloons
at all stations, and Jim Crow eating houses. . . . There should be Jim Crow
sections of the jury box, and a separate Jim Crow dock and witness stand in
every court -- and a JimCrow Bible for colored witnesses to kiss."
Tragically, what
the Charleston editor intended as mockery would soon become reality across the
South -- "down to and including the Jim Crow Bible," as Woodward
noted. But it wasn't an overwhelming grassroots demand for segregation that
institutionalized Jim Crow. It was government, often riding roughshod over the objection of private-sector
entrepreneurs.
Far from craving the authority
to relegate blacks to the back of buses and streetcars, for example, the owners
of municipal transportation systems actively resisted segregation.
They did so not out of some lofty commitment to racial equality or integration,
but for economic reasons: Segregation hurt their bottom line. For one thing, it
drove up their expenses by requiring them -- as the manager of Houston's
streetcar company complained to city councilors in 1904 -- "to haul around
a good deal of empty space that is assigned to the colored people and not
available to both races." In many cities, segregation also provoked black
passengers to boycott the streetcars, cutting sharply into the companies'
revenue.
In a notable study
published in the Journal of Economic History in 1986, economist Jennifer Roback
showed that in one Southern city after another, private transit companies tried
to scuttle segregation laws or simply chose to ignore them.
In Jacksonville,
Fla., a 1901 ordinance requiring black passengers to be segregated went
unenforced until 1905, when the state legislature mandated segregation
statewide. The new statute "was passed by the Legislature much against the
will of the streetcar companies," reported the Florida Times-Union. So
well-known was the companies' hostility to the law that when a group of black
citizens mounted a court challenge to overturn it, their attorney felt
compelled to deny being "in cahoots with the railroad lines in
Jacksonville."
In Alabama, the
Mobile Light and Railroad Company reacted to a Jim Crow ordinance by flatly
refusing to enforce it. "Whites would not obey the law and were
continually . . . refusing to sit where they were told," the company's
manager told a reporter in 1902. In Memphis, the transit company defiantly
pleaded guilty to violating a Tennessee segregation statute, explaining that it
believed the law to be "against the wishes of the majority of its
patrons." In Savannah, the local black paper noted that streetcar
officials "are not anxious to carry into effect the unjust laws . . .
requiring separate cars for the races," since it would put them "to
extra trouble and expense."
Eventually, of
course, the government got its way, as companies surrendered to pressure from
city hall and the statehouse. In a victory of government regulation over the
free market, Jim Crow took hold across the South, where it would cruelly hold
sway for the next 60 years.
Many Americans
know that it took strong government action in the 1950s and 1960s to end
segregation and bring civil rights to the South. Fewer realize that it was
government action that established segregation in the first place. Today, when
the power of the state is being aggrandized as never before, the history of Jim
Crow offers a cautionary reminder: When the political class overrides the
private sector, what ensues is not necessarily an improvement. It may even be a national disgrace.
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