by Tim Price
In December last year, the poet Alice Oswald withdrew
from the TS Eliot poetry prize on the grounds that the prize was being
sponsored by an investment company (Aurum, a fund of hedge funds manager).
How you feel about this principled stance may depend
on whether you are a UK taxpayer. If you are a UK taxpayer, you will probably
feel relieved that your tax pounds are no longer being squandered on the Arts
Council's sponsorship of the prize in question "a tiny victory" but a
victory nevertheless against the arrogant dissipations of the state.
Ms Oswald seems to believe that poetry prizes should
be funded with everybody else's money, rather than by a private patron grown-up
enough to be responsible for its discretionary expenditure (private patronage
being what you might call "traditional" in the arts).
As a graduate in English Language and Literature, this
commentator has no animus against poets. But I am not sure we want them in
charge of the economy. They are notorious for starving in garrets for a reason.
Ms Oswald's "protest" is part of a wider intellectual malaise that lazily conflates government spending with the real economy and which conveniently ignores the fact that without a flourishing private sector, there would be no government and certainly no government spending to speak of.
It is part of that lazy thinking that inspires
journalists to keep speaking of "the government" spending money on
this or that, as if "the government" were somehow sitting on an
infinitely large pile of "government money" that most of the time it
was unreasonably withholding from worthy causes.
The reason our economy is knackered is because
successive governments have indeed pandered to subjective worthy causes with
money that those governments did not possess.
Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow, taxpayers will be
paying the bill. It is not government money because the government doesn't have
any. It has liabilities only. It is taxpayers' money.
The finest achievement to date of the UK's coalition
government has been a triumph of PR' as one might expect, given that PR appears
to comprise the only work experience our current Prime Minister has ever had
outside politics.
A myth has arisen, polished frequently by an ignorant
media, that the British government has started to deal with the grotesque debt
inherited from the previous government. But as Prosperity Capital's chief
economist Liam Halligan points out, government spending was actually higher for
the fiscal year 2010/11 than under the last year of the last government.
The UK debt figures are also much worse than
conventionally believed because 2011 debt including "interventions"
stood at ~£2,270 billion as at September 2011, or 150% of UK GDP. To this we
should add public sector pensions (~£1,100bn+), PFI (~£400bn+) and sundry other
off-balance-sheet obligations of the state.
Liam Halligan's bleak summary is that after five years
of supposed austerity, UK government spending will be back to 2005 levels...
but with twice as much debt.
Just as there has been no real austerity in the UK,
yet' there has been no real deleveraging in the global economy at an aggregate
level. Paul Marson of Lombard Odier points out that global credit market debt
stands at $220 trillion, having grown by 11% annually since 2002, versus 8%
nominal GDP growth:
In debt markets we are seeing a catastrophic example
of the law of diminishing returns. As Marson makes clear, it takes greater
amounts of debt to have the same marginal impact on GDP. The marginal
effectiveness of debt has collapsed during the period since the end of the
Second World War.
For the USA, for example, 1 unit of debt generated
0.63 units of GDP between 1953 and 1984; that same 1 unit of debt generated
0.24 units of GDP between 1985 and 2000; since 2000, 1 unit of debt has
generated just 0.08 units of GDP.
The problem is insuperable. More debt has been created
in the past forty years than will ever realistically be paid back...
which leads us to the existential financial problem of our time:
The modern, debt-based economy requires constant
economic expansion if only to service all that debt. So what happens when the
modern economy goes ex-growth and stops expanding?
Iceland already found out. Greece is in the process of
discovering. But we will all get a chance to participate in this lesson.
Runaway fiscal and monetary stimulus throughout the
western economies is in the process of destroying the concept of
creditworthiness at the centre of the modern monetary system. Private
investors, we suspect, have little or no conception of the extent to which the
state is now the predominant player in the financial markets.
Central banks control the money supply and interest
rates. Central banking and commercial banking interests have essentially become
fused.
The ECB's long-term refinancing operations are banking
bailouts by the back door. Central banks are now also the swing players in
government bond markets which directly influences the price for corporate
credit. Central bank monetary stimulus also directly influences equity market
direction and confidence.
Be careful, be very careful about the sort of
government debt you hold. You may well end up being paid in whole- but in such
depreciated terms that being "kept whole" will be meaningless in real
terms.
In all other respects, our investment choices remain
what they have always been: high quality, high yielding defensive equities;
uncorrelated systematic trend-following funds; gold, silver, and gold and
silver mining companies.
There will come a point, and it may admittedly be some
time in coming, when a major government bond market goes bang. Perhaps Japan,
some peripheral market in the euro zone, some core market in the euro zone, the
UK, or even the US.
You will hear the echo throughout the world. We intend
to be a very long way away when that time comes.
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