by Roger Koppl
Peter Orszag, former director
of the Office of Management and Budget, has written an article for The
New Republic entitled “Too Much of a Good
Thing: Why we need less democracy.” “To solve the serious
problems facing our country,” he says, “we need to minimize the harm from
legislative inertia by relying more on automatic policies and depoliticized
commissions for certain policy decisions. In other words, radical as it sounds,
we need to counter the gridlock of our political institutions by making them a
bit less democratic.”
Orszag notes that
“polarization” has been growing since about 1970. He casts about for an
explanation and rightly rejects gerrymandering as an important
contributor. If that were it, there should be less polarization in the
Senate than the House, which does not seem to be the case. His best
explanation is that Americans are increasingly sorted into locations where we
hear only opinions similar to our own. With “the big sort,” more and more of us are living in ideological echo chambers.
Orszag does not consider
another cause, which may itself contribute to the big sort: the increasing volume and
cost of federal regulation. The Federal Register publishes the new
regulations coming out of federal government. The number of pages in the
Federal Register keeps growing, as does the administrative cost of federal
regulation. (See Figure 1 here.)
As the scope of federal
regulation grows, Congress finds itself increasingly embroiled in problems of
economic planning. How shall we balance the tradeoff between cheap energy
and reduced greenhouse gases? Shall we support solar power or wind
power? Should medical care focus more on prevention or treatment?
And so on. In The Road to Serfdom F. A. Hayek pointed out that no solution
could satisfy all members of the democratic public. The greater the scope
of centralized planning in economic affairs, the more gridlock there will be in
the legislature. “The inability of democratic assemblies to carry out
what seems to be a clear mandate of the people will inevitably cause
dissatisfaction with democratic institutions,” Hayek says. For a while it
may be possible to get something done by delegating the legislature’s authority
to outside bodies, such as a panel of experts. “The conviction grows,”
Hayek explains, “that the direction must be ‘taken out of politics’ and placed
in the hands of experts – permanent officials or independent autonomous
bodies.” This expedient is a stopgap, however. At some point
democratic planning brings on calls for a more complete abrogation of
legislative power. “The cry for an economic dictator is a characteristic
stage in the movement toward planning.”
Hayek’s discussion of
“Planning and Democracy” in The Road to Serfdom fits national
politics in America today all too well. We have gridlock and calls to
take politics out of important decisions, including debt reduction. We
have the delegation of Congressional authority to bodies such as the debt Supercommittee. And now with Peter Orszag we have calls for the nation to become
“less democratic.”
We should see Hayek’s warning
in Orszag’s call to be less democratic. The cause of the problem is not
the big sort, but the big government. If we do not mend our ways, we
shall end up at the end of the road to serfdom.
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