Europe’s Future
Comes Into Focus: Hyperinflation
What struck me most when reading the first responses
to the EU summit was this: Most of what you get from the mainstream media
pundits or from the financial economists on Wall Street or in the city of
London not only misses the relevant points, it usually gets things completely
the wrong way round. What these analysts suggest is good policy is almost
always bad policy and should be avoided under any circumstances.
Let’s go through the salient points:
1. Write-down of Greek debt to 50%
“Private-sector involvement,” aptly abbreviated PIS,
is one of those dreadful phrases that conceals more than it explains. The
private sector here means, of course, the banks that were stupid enough to give
billions of euros to Greek politicians.
We all know what happens under capitalism to lenders
who give money to borrowers, who end up being unable to pay: They lose their
money. That is how it should be. That’ll teach them and, hopefully, make them
more prudent lenders in the future.
Alas, this is Europe, so there is no capitalism. You
can negotiate your losses with the political class and agree on the
“appropriate” haircut. In July, a 20% write-off was agreed, now this was upped
to 50. Either number is entirely arbitrary.
The positively Orwellian phrase “private-sector
involvement” makes it sound as if these poor banks were just innocent
bystanders — and respectable members of the private sector, for that matter —
who got dragged into this unfortunate business at no fault of their own.
For how much should the “private” sector be
“involved”? Well, I would say for exactly as much as it chose to involve itself
in the first place, by voluntarily lending money to the Greek government. I
mean, have the risk managers and credit analysts at the likes of Credit
Agricole and Societe Generale ever been to Athens and inspected the bottomless
pit in which their loans were dumped? Or have they, from the start, assumed
that the German taxpayer or the ECB would cover their losses?
Of course, a haircut of 50%, as now agreed in
Brussels, is better than the ridiculous 20% or so “agreed” in July. But looking
at Greece’s dire financial situation, the haircut should be at least 60%, or
maybe 90 or 100. There is no reason for the Greek citizens of this and future
generations to suffer endlessly because of the corruption of their past
governments and the stupidity of their bankers. Embrace default! Just stop
paying, go bankrupt, shrink your government, role up your sleeves and start
from scratch.
After a complete and proper default, the state will
not get loans easily again. This, coincidentally, is an additional bonus of a
complete government default. It keeps your future politicians honest. That
would be the free-market solution. But again, we are in Europe.
An even bigger haircut, one decided not by political
horse-trading but by the market and Greece’s true ability to pay, would be more
helpful for the Greeks and would, conveniently, discipline the bankers. Why is
it not considered?
Well, the politicians don’t like it, because it would
shut much of the government bond market down and make it difficult or
impossible for them to keep running deficits of their own, and also, because
the banks have skillfully booby-trapped the entire financial system with
explosive CDS (credit default swaps) that get triggered if the “private-sector
involvement” gets too big. The bankers, increasingly, resemble financial
terrorists, effectively declaring, “If you don’t bail us out, we blow the whole
place up!”
The bottom line: A haircut of 50% is better than 20,
but it is still too little for Greece, and the whole idea that the “private”
sector negotiates losses with the politicians doesn’t bode well for the future.
2. Fiscal coordination
Nothing specific was agreed at the summit, but this is
where we are going, and the mainstream economists are cheering for it.
For years now, we have heard this in endless
macroeconomic research pamphlets and newspaper editorials: There can be no
monetary union without a fiscal union. This is, of course, utter nonsense.
Complete rubbish. And it doesn’t get any more right by repeating it at nauseam.
The money of capitalism, of the free market and global
trade, has always been gold (or silver, but I will refer to gold here). A gold
standard is the oldest and best currency union imaginable, and I would argue,
the only one workable. Under a gold standard, various countries and their
governments use the same currency, gold. There is no central bank and no
printing press. Governments have to make do with the income they generate from
taxing their local population.
In such a system, the state has to live, just like any
other entity in society, within its means. Apparently, this is a truly
fantastical notion for today’s politicians and mainstream economists. Under a
gold standard, the state may also borrow from the market, but it is clear to
the lenders that they assume full risk of default. There is no lender of last
resort. This is a powerful constraint on government largesse.
The Greek crisis was a good test to see how closely
the European fiat money union could resemble the workings of a proper gold
standard. In theory at least, and as intended by the original designs for EMU,
there should have been no bailout, and the whole mess should have been a local
affair between the Greek government and its lenders, just as it would be under
a gold standard.
All this nonsense about the falling apart of the euro
was, of course, needless but politically motivated scaremongering. When a government
defaults under a gold standard, there is no reason why any other government
should give up gold as a currency. Had the no-bailout provision been adhered
to, there would equally have been no reason why a Greek default should have
affected the acceptance and the usability of the euro in any of the other
countries, nor for the Greeks themselves. A currency union does not require a
fiscal union.
But EMU is no gold standard, and it already failed its
first test of whether it could even be a currency union of some discipline. The
gold standard was abandoned globally, precisely so that governments would not
have to live within their means. The euro is political paper money, fiat money.
It is issued to allow persistent fiscal irresponsibility, as is any other paper
currency. Central banks have always been created to fund the state and
the banks. The ECB is no different.
This is the global picture in 2011: After 40 years of
complete paper money, public debt around the world has reached such momentous
dimensions that the major central banks are now increasingly funding the state
directly. This is what is happening in the U.S., the U.K. and increasingly, the
eurozone. It is either accepted with suspicious equanimity or enthusiastically
supported by bank economists and the inflationistas in the mainstream media.
The trend is the same pretty much everywhere. It is only that, within the
eurozone, it is less clear which government has first call on the printing
press. In other paper money economies, this can be done more straightforwardly.
To assume that some form of institutional framework
for fiscal coordination will discipline the European governments and reduce the
desire for ongoing central bank debt monetization is at least naive. Maybe
outright stupid. All governments in Europe are fiscally irresponsible, even the
German one.
In the run-up to EMU, Germany imposed the Maastricht
criteria on her European partners. Anyone remember the 60% debt-to-GDP limit?
Laughable. Today, Germany is at 83% and rising, which may look relatively
prudent if compared with Belgium or Greece, but if Germany has to pay up on its
already-agreed-upon commitments under the European Financial Stability Fund,
she will go above 90% in one giant leap, roughly where Ireland was when her
creditors said, “No mas!” Germany may have the lowest unemployment rate in 20
years and, last year, had the highest GDP growth in 20 years, but she is still
running deficits, accumulating debt every year, just like anybody else in
Europe.
On a long-enough timeline, everywhere is Greece!
The bottom line: We will see a plethora of treaty
changes, top-level EU summits and other pointless boondoggles. All to no avail.
To assume that governments will not collectively resort to the printing press
and that they will, instead, discipline one another, when all of them are
long-standing, habitual and incorrigible fiscal offenders, is beyond
ridiculous! If you believe it, call me, I may have something I want to sell
you!
3. “Unlimited firepower” courtesy of the central bank
I guess you might argue that it could have been worse.
Merkel could have given in to demands by Sarkozy to use the ECB straight away
to leverage the €440 billion bailout fund. Seems like she didn’t, and Sarkozy
will have to go, hat in hand, to the Chinese and see if they have some change
to spare. However, this is not a long-term solution, and once Italy and Spain
are in trouble, the bailout fund will be depleted.
One of the most shocking aspects of this crisis is how
acceptable it has become for the mainstream economists and the pundits in the
media to point toward the “unlimited resources” of the ECB. True, a fiat money
central bank can print unlimited amounts of paper and electronic money to bail
out everybody, the government, the banks, the pension funds, etc. It is just
that such a policy used to be advocated only by suicidal cranks. That’s likely
because it is a sure recipe for complete currency annihilation.
Today, established and supposedly highly regarded
economists point out the importance of “keeping the ECB engaged,” because only
the ECB has the “unlimited” resources to underwrite the boundless fiscal
profligacy of modern democratic governments and their vote-buying political
elites, and to underwrite the gargantuan debt pile.
As the hysterical calls by the inflationistas for a
bold ECB policy get ever shriller, Mario Draghi, the new money-printer-in-chief
for Europe, has already signaled his support for the ECB’s debt monetization
policy, that is, ongoing buying of depressed and ultimately worthless
government bonds with the help of the euro printing press.
Anyone who has any savings stored in the euro-area
should be extremely concerned about what is going on here, and in particular,
about the tone of the debate. When the mainstream speaks of “unlimited”
resources of the ECB, they do in fact mean unlimited. The creation
of new euro-currency units will be without ANY LIMIT. And the remaining
inflation will also be without limit.
The bottom-line…On the face of it, the German position
has won: deeper haircuts and no use of the ECB for leveraging the EFSF for now.
But from where is the money for the larger EFSF going to come? Italy and Spain
will remain under pressure. Nobody has the money to save them or to
recapitalize the banks again when the big deficit countries lose access to the
market and fail.
The ECB is not off the hook. Resorting to the printing
press has become a global policy theme for the past three years, and sadly,
such thinking is now part of the mainstream. The balance sheet of the ECB will
not shrink; it will grow. There is no exit strategy. Pressure for further and
accelerated monetization of debt, of budget deficits and bank balance sheets, will
continue and intensify.
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