Literature and the Search for Liberty
By Mario Vargas Llosa
The blessings of freedom and the perils of its
opposite can be seen the world over. It is why I have so passionately adhered
to advancing the idea of individual freedom in my work.
Having abandoned the Marxist myths that took in so many
of my generation, I soon came to genuinely believe that I had found a truth
that had to be shared in the best way I knew—through the art of letters.
Critics on the left and right have often praised my novels only to distance
themselves from the ideas I’ve expressed. I do not believe my work can be
separated from its ideals.
It is the function of the novelist to tell timeless
and universal truths through the device of a fashioned narrative. A story’s
significance as a piece of art cannot be divorced from its message, any more
than a society’s prospects for freedom and prosperity can be divorced from its
underlying principles. The writer and the man are one and the same, as are the
culture and its common beliefs. In my writing and in my life I have pursued a
vision not only to inspire my readers but also to share my dream of what we can
aspire to build here in our world.
Those who love liberty are often ridiculed for their
idealism. And at times we can feel alone, as there appear to be very few
dedicated to the ideals of true “liberalism.”
In the United States, the term “liberal” has come to
be associated with leftism, socialism, and an ambitious role for government in
the economy. Many who describe their politics as “liberal” emphatically favor
measures which desire to push aside free enterprise. Some who call themselves
liberal show even greater hostility toward business, loudly protesting the very
idea of economic freedom and promoting a vision of society not so different
from the failed utopian experiments of history’s socialist and fascist regimes.
In Latin America and Spain, where the word “liberal”
originated to mean an advocate of liberty, the left now uses the label as an
invective. It carries connotations of “conservative” or reactionary politics,
and especially a failure to care for the world’s poor. I have been maligned in
this way.
Ironically enough, part of the confusion can be pinned
on some who champion the market economy in the name of old liberalism. They
have at times done even more damage to freedom than the Marxists and other
socialists.
There are those who in the name of the free market
have supported Latin American dictatorships whose iron hand of repression was
said to be necessary to allow business to function, betraying the very principles
of human rights that free economies rest upon. Then there are those who have
coldly reduced all questions of humanity to a matter of economics and see the
market as a panacea. In doing so they ignore the role of ideas and culture, the
true foundation of civilization. Without customs and shared beliefs to breathe
life into democracy and the market, we are reduced to the Darwinian struggle of
atomistic and selfish actors that many on the left rightfully see as inhuman.
What is lost on the collectivists, on the other hand,
is the prime importance of individual freedom for societies to flourish and
economies to thrive. This is the core insight of true liberalism: All
individual freedoms are part of an inseparable whole. Political and economic
liberties cannot be bifurcated. Mankind has inherited this wisdom from
millennia of experience, and our understanding has been enriched further by the
great liberal thinkers, some of my favorites being Isaiah Berlin, Karl Popper,
F.A. Hayek and Ludwig von Mises. They have described the path out of darkness
and toward a brighter future of freedom and universal appreciation for the
values of human dignity.
When the liberal truth is forgotten, we see the
horrors of nationalist dictatorship, fascism, communism, cult fanaticism,
terrorism and the many savageries that have defined all too much in the modern
era. The problem is less pronounced in the United States, but here there still
remain problems resulting from the abandonment of these key principles.
Many cling to hopes that the economy can be centrally
planned. Education, health care, housing, money and banking, crime control,
transportation, energy and far more follow the failed command-and-control model
that has been repeatedly discredited. Some look to nationalist and statist
solutions to trade imbalances and migration problems, instead of toward greater
freedom.
Yet there is reason for hope here and elsewhere. The
American system still allows for open dissent, the hallmark of a free society,
and in a healthy fashion both left and right practice this cherished freedom.
Throughout the world, anti-Americanism and anticapitalism are in decline. In
Latin America, outside of Venezuela and Cuba, dictatorship of the old socialist
and fascist varieties is dead, with market reforms sweeping even nominally
leftist regimes.
The search for liberty is simply part of the greater
search for a world where respect for the rule of law and human rights is
universal—a world free of dictators, terrorists, warmongers and fanatics, where
men and women of all nationalities, races, traditions and creeds can coexist in
the culture of freedom, where borders give way to bridges that people cross to
reach their goals limited only by free will and respect for one another’s
rights. It is a search to which I’ve dedicated my writing, and so many have
taken notice. But is it not a search to which we should all devote our very
lives? The answer is clear when we see what is at stake.
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