The Euro Area Is Coming to an End
By Peter Boone and Simon Johnson
Investors sent Europe’s politicians a painful message
last week when Germany had a seriously disappointing government bond auction. It was unable
to sell more than a third of the benchmark 10-year bonds it had sought to
auction off on Nov. 23, and interest rates on 30-year German debt rose from
2.61 percent to 2.83 percent. The message? Germany is no longer a safe haven.
Since the global financial crisis of 2008, investors
have focused on credit risk and rewarded Germany with low interest rates for
its perceived frugality. But now markets will focus on currency risk. Inflation
will accelerate and the euro may break up in a way that calls into question all
euro-denominated obligations. This is the beginning of the end for the euro
zone.
Here’s why. Until 2008, investors assumed that all
euro- zone sovereign bonds, as well as bank debt, were risk-free and would
never default. This made for a wonderfully profitable trade: European banks
could buy government debt, finance it at less expensive rates through funding
provided by the European Central Bank, and pocket the spread.
Then credit conditions tightened around the world and
some flaws became evident. Greece had too much government borrowing; Ireland had experienced a debt fueled real-estate bubble;
and even German banks had become highly leveraged. Investors naturally decided
some credit-risk premium was needed, so yields started to rise.
Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and now Italy have large amounts of short term debt that they can’t roll over at
low cost. Leading European banks are in the same situation. None of these
countries or banks can long bear the burden of their current debt levels at
reasonable risk premiums.
Last Resort Technocrats
Many of Europe’s leading politicians, some International Monetary
Fund officials,
and the technocrats-of-last-resort -- Mario Monti in Italy and Lucas Papademos in Greece -- mistakenly believe that these risk premiums can be quickly
reduced. They argue that if they cut budget deficits, carry out structural
reforms and modestly recapitalize banks, their countries will soon grow and
regain access to markets.
More realistically, none of these countries will be
borrowing again soon in the capital markets. Ireland’s finance minister, Michael Noonan, is at odds with reality when he claims that Ireland
should return to the markets in 2013. This is a country with 133 percent of
gross national product in public debt and about 100 percent GNP in additional
contingent liabilities to the banking system. (We use gross national product
because gross domestic product is artificially raised by the offshore profits
of non-Irish multinational corporations, most of which Ireland doesn’t tax.)
With such enormous debt burdens, even if the Irish or
other troubled countries manage to convince the market that there is only a 5
percent to 10 percent annual risk of default, these countries will experience
high real interest rates -- plus ensuing low investment and fragile banks
-- for decades.
The French, along with U.S. and U.K. officials, are
pleading with the European Central Bank to come to the rescue. Their hope is
that the ECB can remove credit risk by promising to back all sovereign and bank
credits in the euro zone. This is what politicians mean when they say “bring
out the bazooka.”
When large amounts of any currency are printed in
response to deep structural flaws, it’s hard to trust that money. A massive
bond-purchase program by the ECB would reduce credit risk but increase the
danger that the euro will decline in value against the dollar and other
currencies. And if the ECB needs to continue buying more debt to finance
deficits and prevent defaults -- because peripheral countries could stop making
painful fiscal adjustments once the ECB starts buying bonds -- wages and prices
would increase, as we saw in the U.S. in the 1970s. This is anathema to the
Germans.
Inflation Risk
We would soon see German bonds sold off as investors
protect themselves from long-term inflation, which erodes the value of such
debt. People holding bonds with a high credit risk (such as Italy and Spain)
would surely sell many of those to the ECB, or simply cash out when those bonds
mature in case the central bank, at some point, stops buying.
An ECB “bazooka” wouldn’t restore competitiveness to Europe’s periphery, so even with this, Europe’s troubled nations would require
many more years of tough austerity and budget reform to stabilize debt.
This would all just look like another unsustainable
debt profile. Germany would be paying higher interest rates on its debt, while
most banks and the periphery would be heavily financed by the ECB -- and both
credit and currency risk premiums would remain. Markets would eventually turn
against Europe with a vengeance, and with no more plausible solutions, the whole
system would come tumbling down amid both inflation and debt restructuring.
Germany’s credit is impeccable, but the country is
issuing debt in a currency that is flawed and could soon be worth much less
than it is today. If Germany does block the “bazooka” and instead takes on more
of the fiscal burden in Europe -- for example, through the obligations inherent
in any kind of euro- bond issue -- this would reduce currency risk but undermine the country’s credit rating.
The path of the euro zone is becoming clear. As
conditions in Europe worsen, there will be fewer euro-denominated assets that
investors can safely buy. Bank runs and large-scale capital flight out of
Europe are likely.
Devaluation can help growth but the associated
inflation hurts many people and the debt restructurings, if not handled
properly, could be immensely disruptive. Some nations will need to leave the
euro zone. There is no painless solution.
Ultimately, an integrated currency area may remain in
Europe, albeit with fewer countries and more fiscal centralization. The Germans
will force the weaker countries out of the euro area or, more likely, Germany
and some others will leave the euro to form their own currency. The euro zone
could be expanded again later, but only after much deeper political, economic
and fiscal integration.
Tragedy awaits. European politicians are likely to
stall until markets force a chaotic end upon them. Let’s hope they are planning
quietly to keep disorder from turning into chaos.
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