By Walter E. Williams
After Moammar
Gadhafi's downfall as Libya's tyrannical ruler, politicians and
"experts" in the U.S. and elsewhere, including French Foreign
Minister Alain Juppe, are saying that his death marked the end of 42 years of
tyranny and the beginning of democracy in Libya. Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., said
Gadhafi's death represented an opportunity for Libya to make a peaceful and
responsible transition to democracy. House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said,
"Now it is time for Libya's Transitional National Council to show the
world that it will respect the rights of all Libyans (and) guide the nation to
democracy." German Chancellor Angela Merkel said that "Libya must now
quickly make further determined steps in the direction of democracy." It's
good to see the removal of a tyrant, but if we're going to be realistic,
there's little hope for the emergence of what we in the West call a democracy.
Let's look at it.
Throughout most of mankind's history, personal
liberty, private property rights and rule of law have always won a hostile
reception. There's little older in most of human history than: the notion that
a few people are to give orders while others obey those orders; the political
leadership classes are exempt from laws that the masses are obliged to heed;
and the rights of individuals are only secondary to the rights of the state.
The exception to this vision feebly emerged in the West, mainly in England, in
1215 with the Magna Carta, a charter that limited the power of the king and
required him to proclaim and recognize the liberties of English subjects.
The Magna Carta served as inspiration for other
instruments of personal liberty, such as habeas corpus and bills of rights, and
five centuries later served as inspiration for the U.S. Constitution. The ideas
of liberty and limited government were cultivated by great British philosophers
-- such as Francis Bacon, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes and David Hume -- and on
the Continent by the likes of Baron de Montesquieu, Voltaire and Jean-Jacques
Rousseau. Through the works of Western philosophers and the politicians
influenced by them, including the founders of our nation, the idea emerged that
political leaders couldn't run roughshod over the common man.
The key point to recognize is that Western transition
from barbarism to civility didn't take place overnight; it took centuries. More
importantly, for the most part Western civility and its institutions were not
transplanted; they emerged from within Western civilization. Where they were
successfully transplanted, it was done through Western colonialism, such as in
the cases of the U.S., Canada and Australia.
In Libya and most other countries in the Arab world,
what we know as personal liberty is nonexistent. According to Freedom House's
2011 "Freedom in the World" survey, as well as Amnesty
International's annual report for 2011, most North African and Middle Eastern
countries are ranked either "repressive" or "not free." Moreover,
I believe that there's little prospect for Arabs ever being free and that
Western encouragement and hopes for democracy are doomed to failure and
disappointment. Most nations in the Middle East do not share the philosophical
foundations of the West. It's not likely liberty-oriented values will ever
emerge in cultures that have disdain for the rule of law and private property
rights and that sanction barbaric practices such as the stoning of women for
adultery, the severing of hands or beheading as a form of punishment, and imprisonment
for criticizing or speaking ill of the government.
What should the West do about the gross violations of
human rights so prevalent in North Africa, the Middle East and elsewhere? My
short answer is to mind our own business. The only case in which we should
interfere with Middle Eastern affairs is when our national defense or economic
interests are directly threatened. That is, for example, if Iran were to meddle
with Middle Eastern oil shipments or if we discovered good evidence of its
building nuclear weapons, then we should militarily intervene. What they want
to do to one another is none of our business.
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