BY JOSHUA E. KEATING
It's hard to find countries that are nostalgic for colonialism, at least
among those that were on the receiving end of it. At the same time, it's hard
to escape the impression that some countries had a worse time of it than
others. The former British Empire includes rising power India and Africa's most
stable and prosperous countries -- Botswana, Ghana, and South Africa. France's
former dependencies in Africa and Southeast Asia, from Ivory Coast to Cambodia,
don't seem to have fared nearly as well in the post-colonial era.
Some, such as historian Niall Ferguson, have even argued for the positive
legacy of the
British Empire, seeing the Pax Britannica as an era not merely of imperialist
expansion but also of "spreading liberal values in terms of free markets,
the rule of law, and ultimately representative government."
But beyond anecdotal observations, is there any evidence that the type of
colonialism determined the way former colonies turned out? Were the bloody
post-independence civil wars of Angola and Mozambique, for example, a legacy of
Portuguese colonialism, or were competition for resources and the Cold War more
to blame? How would the recent histories of Algeria and Vietnam have differed
if France had let them go peacefully?
Stanford University Ph.D. candidate Alexander Lee, with Professor Kenneth
Schultz, looked
at Cameroon, a rare country
that includes large regions colonized by separate powers, Britain and France,
and then united after independence in 1960. The only country with a similar
history is Somalia, where it is understandably difficult to get economic data
after more than three decades of war.
The results? There may be something to that British-legacy theory: Lee and
Schultz found that formerly British rural areas of
Cameroon today boast higher levels of wealth and better public services than
those in the formerly French territory. To take one example, nearly 40 percent
of rural households in the British provinces examined have access to piped
water, while less than 15 percent on the French side do. This could suggest
that the British colonial system, which had what Lee calls "greater levels
of indirect rule and the granting of local-level autonomy to chiefs," was
more beneficial -- or at least less damaging -- than the more hands-on French model,
which involved a "greater level of forced labor."
It's by no means clear, however, that any brand of
colonialism was good for the colonized. Harvard University economist Lakshmi
Iyer has found that in India, regions that were under direct British rule have lower
levels of public services today compared with those where local leaders retained some level of
power; these "native states" include today's high-tech business hubs
of Hyderabad and Jaipur. As for Latin America, a forthcoming
paper by
economists Miriam Bruhn of the World Bank and Francisco Gallego of Chile's
Pontificia Universidad Católica found that areas where colonialism depended
heavily on labor exploitation have lower levels of economic development today
than places where colonists were less closely involved. (In this context, the grim
legacy of Belgium's King Leopold II -- who ran his vast territories in today's
Democratic Republic of the Congo as a brutal personal plantation -- doesn't
seem so surprising.)
In the end, to paraphrase Henry David Thoreau, it seems the best colonist
was the one who colonized the least.
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