Elimination
of al-Awlaki was more Stalinesque than Jeffersonian
Can
the president kill an American simply because that person is dangerous and his
arrest would be impractical? Can the president be judge, jury and executioner
of an American in a foreign country because he thinks that would keep America
safe? Can Congress authorize the president to do that?
Earlier this week, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.
attempted to justify presidential killing in a speech at Northwestern
University law school. In it, he recognized the requirement of the Fifth
Amendment for due process. He argued that the president may substitute the
traditionally understood due process - a public jury trial - with the
president's own novel version of it; that would be a secret deliberation about
killing. Without mentioning the name of the American the president recently
ordered killed, Mr. Holder suggested that the president's careful consideration
of the case of New Mexico-born Anwar al-Awlaki constituted a form of due
process.
Mr. Holder argued that the act of reviewing al-Awlaki's alleged crimes, what he was doing in Yemen and the imminent danger he posed provided al-Awlaki with a substituted form of due process. He did not mention how this substitution applied to al-Awlaki's 16-year-old son and a family friend, who also were executed by CIA drones. He also did not address the absence of any support in the Constitution or Supreme Court case law for his novel theory.
The Fifth Amendment to the Constitution states that
the government may not take the life, liberty or property of any person without
due process. The components of due process are too numerous to address here,
but the essence of due process is "substantive fairness" and a
"settled fair procedure." Under due process, when the government
wants your life, liberty or property, it must show that it is entitled to what
it seeks by articulating the law it says you have violated and then proving its
case in public to a neutral jury. And you may enjoy all the constitutional
protections to defend yourself. Without the requirement of due process, nothing
would prevent the government from taking anything it coveted or killing anyone
- American or foreign - it hated or feared.
The killing of al-Awlaki and the others was without
any due process, and that should terrify all Americans. The federal government
has not claimed the lawful power to kill Americans without due process since
the Civil War; even then, the power to kill was claimed only in combat.
Al-Awlaki and his son were killed while they were driving in a car in the
desert. The Supreme Court consistently has ruled that the Constitution applies
in war and in peace. Even the Nazi soldiers and sailors who were arrested in
Amagansett, N.Y., and in Ponte Vedra Beach, Fla., during World War II were
entitled to a trial.
The legal authority in which Mr. Holder claimed to
find support was the Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF),
enacted by Congress in the days following Sept. 11, 2001. That statute permits
the president to use force to repel those who planned and plotted Sept. 11 and
who continue to plan and plot the use of terror tactics to assault the United
States. Mr. Holder argued in his speech that arresting al-Awlaki - who was
never indicted or otherwise charged with a crime but is believed to have
encouraged terrorist attacks in the United States - would have been impractical,
that killing him was the only option available to prevent him from committing
more harm, and that Congress must have contemplated that when it enacted the
AUMF.
Even if Mr. Holder is correct - that Congress
contemplated presidential killing of Americans without due process when it
enacted the AUMF - such a delegation of power is not Congress' to give.
Congress is governed by the same Constitution that restrains the president. It
can no more authorize the president to avoid due process than it can authorize
him to extend his term in office beyond four years.
Instead of presenting evidence of al-Awlaki's alleged
crimes to a grand jury and seeking an indictment and an arrest and trial, the
president presented the evidence to a small group of unnamed advisers and then
secretly decided that al-Awlaki was such an imminent threat to America 10,000
miles away that he had to be killed. This is logic more worthy of Joseph Stalin
than Thomas Jefferson. It effectively says that the president is above the
Constitution and the rule of law and that he can reject his oath to uphold
both.
If the president can kill an American in Yemen, can he
do so in Peoria? Even the British, from whose tyrannical grasp the American
colonists seceded, did not claim such powers. And we fought a revolution
against them.
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