Broad hints have been coming out
of China that the country might start small-scale military strikes over
disputed waters that are believed to hold rich energy reserves. The
consequences of such endeavors would be tolerable to Beijing, international
experts say.
Bitter territorial disputes China has with
neighbors in the East and South China Seas have long grabbed media headlines.
Virtually all countries in the region are involved in spats with China, from
South Korea and Japan to the Philippines and Vietnam. In March alone, Beijing
had verbal clashes with Seoul over a submerged rock; with Manila over the
Philippines' plan to build a ferry pier; and with Hanoi over China's biggest
offshore oil explorer's moves to develop oil and gas fields.
But it wasn't only words: Vietnamese fishing boats were also seized by China and their crews detained. What all the disputed zones, islands and rocks have in common is that they actually are much nearer to the shores of the rival claimants than to China's.
When strategists speak of the
"Malacca Dilemma", they mean that Beijing's sea lines of
communications are highly vulnerable. In times of conflict between the US and
China, the supply of crude and iron ore needed to keep the Chinese economy alive
and kicking could be relatively easily cut off in the straits that connect the
Indian Ocean with the Pacific.
As such, a move would force the Chinese
leadership rather quickly to the negotiation tables on the enemy's terms - and
as it becomes clearer that the western Pacific holds vast untapped reserves of
oil and natural gas - Beijing naturally sees control over the areas as a way
out of its precarious situation. (According to Chinese estimates, oil and gas
reserves in the western Pacific could meet Chinese demand for more than 60
years.)
With official defense spending to top
US$100 billion in 2012, and the actual amount estimated to be much higher,
China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) seems on course towards building the
strength needed to ensure all goes smoothly in China's quest for energy
security.
New ballistic anti-ship missiles will make
Washington think twice about ordering US forces into the region to come to
their allies' rescue, as will a growing arsenal of land-based tactical aircraft
and anti-ship cruise missiles, not to mention a fleet heavy on missile-firing
warships and submarines. Making access to this part of the world even dicier
for US forces, China's ongoing military modernization has also seen an easing
of past detection, tracking and targeting problems for Chinese gunners.
If Beijing is confident that Washington
would not want to intervene, rival armed forces in the region could be taken on
with J-15 fighters to be stationed on China's first aircraft carrier likely to
be commissioned in August, a rapidly increasing number of naval destroyers, as
well as brand-new amphibious landing ships and helicopter-carriers that can
carry thousands of marines quickly to disputed islands.
That the political will exists for such
operations has been signaled more than once. In commentaries run in China's
state media, most notably in the Global Times, the concept of "small-scale
wars" has increasingly been propagated since 2011. In early March, Chinese
Premier Wen Jiabao emphasized that the PLA needed to be better prepared to
fight "local wars".
Experts interviewed by Asia Times Online
agreed that China would likely meet future objectives with limited military
strikes.
According to Steve Tsang, director of the
University of Nottingham's China Policy Institute, much will depend on what the
small war is about, how it is conducted and against which country. Tsang
believes the South Koreans won't be the target despite a recent war of words
that erupted after the chief of China's State Oceanic Administration claimed
that Leodo Reef, a submerged rock off South Korea's resort island of Jeju, is
almost certainly part of China's "jurisdictional waters". Beijing
refers to the rock as Suyan Reef.
"China starting even a limited
military operation against South Korea would be too serious to be tolerated by
anyone," Tsang said. "The US would have to take a strong position and
immediate action at the United Nations Security Council to impose a
ceasefire," he added.
However, a minor military confrontation
against Vietnam or the Philippines over the disputed atolls in the South China
Sea was a very different matter, Tsang argued. "Although China couldn't
take an easy victory against Vietnam for granted, and such wars will be gravely
disturbing in Southeast Asia and the rest of East Asia, they will be
manageable. If the confrontation would be short and limited, the immediate
impact wouldn't be very significant."
Tsang warned, however, that a Chinese
attack on Vietnam or the Philippines would strengthen the willingness of
countries in Southeast Asia cooperate with the United States.
"But fundamentally there is not much
those countries can do to counter an assertive China."
Tsang then took on the notion that the
existing mutual defense treaty between the Philippines and the US leaves the
Southeast Asian country "immune" to a brief Chinese attack.
"You need to check the terms of the
treaty. The US government needs to consider [a military attack against the
Philippines] as a serious security matter for which it needs to respond, for
which time is required to deliberate an appropriate response," Tsang said.
"Nothing will happen if the incident is over before the matter reaches
congress for a serious debate."
James Holmes, an associate professor of
strategy at the US Naval War College, says Beijing would likely get away with
it if the PLA were to attack the Philippines or Vietnam.
"Beijing would keep any small war as
small and out-of-sight as possible. The superiority of its fleet vis-a-vis
Southeast Asian militaries, and the advent of new shore-based weaponry like the
anti-ship ballistic missile, give China a strong 'recessed deterrent' in times
of conflict," Holmes said.
He explained that China could hold its
major combat platforms in reserve while seeking its goals with relatively
innocuous, lightly armed vessels from its maritime security services, which are
its equivalents to a coast guard.
"Southeast Asian navies might
challenge these ships, but they would do so in full knowledge that People's
Liberation Army could deploy vastly superior sea power should they try
it," Holmes said.
Economists also don't see too many
obstacles for a small energy war against one China's Southeast Asian neighbors.
"Stock markets would overreact around
the world in the short term - say a few days," said Ronald A Edwards, an
expert on China's political economy at Tamkang University in Taiwan.
"But there would be little if any
effect in terms of affecting this year's inflation, employment or output of any
country other than the one attacked by China."
Edwards concluded on a disturbing note. He
argued that the outcome of the nine-day-long Russian-Georgian war in 2008, in
which Russia used overwhelming force to push Georgia out of South Ossetia,
earning Western condemnation, could be taken as an indicator on whether China's
economy would pay dearly for the PLA's military adventures.
"The brief Russian war with Georgia
comes to mind as a very good example for comparison," Edwards said.
"While the news coverage of this was headlines everywhere for a couple
weeks, there were no major economic effects in countries other than Georgia in
August of 2008 or thereafter."
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