By MATTHEW LYNN
The euro debt crisis, like
any really spectacular geoeconomic event, is spawning its own special
vocabulary.
We’ve already had Merkozy, now relegated to the
footnotes, and are slowly getting used to the clunkier Merlande or Merkellande,
as the oddly matched pairing of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the
French President Francois Hollande has been dubbed. The Grexit, short for
Greece finally giving up on the single currency, has been trending for the last
few weeks. And coming up next: the Spexit.
What’s that? It’s shorthand for Spain quitting the
euro — and we’re going to hear a lot of it over what promises to be a turbulent
summer.
The Spanish are a lot more likely to pull out of the
euro than the Greeks, or indeed any of the peripheral countries. They are too
big to rescue, they have no political hang-ups about rupturing their relations
with the European Union, they are already fed up with austerity, and there is a
bigger Spanish-speaking world for them to grow into. There are few good reasons
for the country to stay in the euro — and little sign it has the will to endure
the sacrifices the currency will demand of them.
Even with the fresh Greek elections looming, Spain has moved center stage in the euro crisis and is likely to remain in the spotlight for the rest of the summer. Its economy stumbles from bad to worse. The bond markets have turned on it decisively, pushing rates on 10-year bonds to 6.45%, close to the levels hit at the depths of the crisis.
The banking system is teetering on the edge of a
full-scale run. Bankia has already had to be bailed out by the government, and
there are fears that others might be in just as bad shape. In the entire recorded
history of capitalism there has never been a property crash that hasn’t been
followed by a banking crisis. Spain has a huge property crash, and it’s not
likely to be the first exception to that rule.
Its economy is already back in recession, and is likely
to shrink further. Unemployment is up to 24%. One in four Spanish households
now have no breadwinner. Retail sales are now falling at 10% year-on-year. Yet
the prescription from Brussels and Berlin is precisely the same as it has been
for every other country struggling with the euro. Endure a deep recession. Let
unemployment rise. Allow wages to fall until you claw back competitiveness.
In Greece, people have just about put up with it —
until now. So have the Irish, the Portuguese, and the Italians. The Spanish
won’t. Here’s why.
One: Spain is too big too rescue. When it comes to the
crunch, the EU will always bail out the Greeks. Its economy is only worth 230
billion euros. It can be subsidized forever. If the Greeks vote for a
government that rejects the bailout package, some more money can be thrown at
them. Pumping 10% of gross domestic product into the economy only costs 23
billion euros — peanuts. That is not true of Spain. If the economy collapses,
it can’t be rescued. It will have to do the hard work by itself.
Two: Spain has tired of austerity already. Remember,
the protests against cuts began in Madrid a year ago with the “indignados”
movement, which started sit-ins across major cities in 2011. The protests
spread from there to Greece, and other euro-zone countries. The austerity had
hardly even begun, yet already it has provoked strong opposition. The country
faces many tough years in the euro zone, and there is little sign it is
prepared for that.
Three: Spain has a real economy. The Greeks
understandably feel nervous about life outside the euro zone. They don’t really
make anything. Spain is a successful economy with a perfectly respectable
industrial base – its export to GDP ratio is 26%, similar to the U.K., France
or Italy. Only last week the Japanese car-maker Nissan announced a major new
investment there. Spain’s problem was a deranged currency that created an
insane property bubble, which burst with calamitous results. But there is no
reason for Spain to fear it doesn’t have a prosperous future outside the euro.
It has plenty of successful export industries.
Four: Spain is politically secure. For many countries,
euro membership is more about politics than economics. The Greeks stay in
because it locks them into Europe (rather than being part of the Turkish sphere
of influence). Latvia wanted in because it made it part of the EU rather than
being dominated by Russia. For the Irish, it is about separating themselves
from Britain. The Germans stick with the euro because the EU still represents a
break with its troubled past, even if that is fading for the younger
generation. For the French, the currency boosts their influence in a world
where medium-sized Europeans states don’t count for much anymore. But Spain
does not have any of those issues. It can take or leave the euro and the EU
depending on whether it works or not. And right now it clearly isn’t working.
Five: Spain has bigger horizons. The Spanish economy
looks partly to Europe. But it looks just as much to the booming
Spanish-speaking economies of Latin America (and indeed the huge Hispanic
market in the U.S.). Rather like the U.K., Spanish business has always looked
to the global rather than the European market. Why tie yourself to a failing
project when there are much bigger opportunities out there?
Six: The debate has already started. There is already
a serious discussion underway in Spain about the future of the currency. Plenty
of mainstream economists and pundits are arguing that the real problem is the
euro, and Spain will only recover once it gets the peseta back. The taboo has
been broken. That isn’t true in Greece, where even the far-left Syriza party
still clings to the idea that it should stay in the euro.
For all those reasons, the Spain is the nation within
the single currency that might conclude first that a negotiated departure from
the single currency is a logical step. It might not be alphabetically correct,
but the Spexit will come before the Grexit.
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