The people who pioneered democracy in Europe and the United States had a
low but pretty accurate view of human nature. They knew that if we get the
chance, most of us will try to get something for nothing. They knew that people
generally prize short-term goodies over long-term prosperity. So, in centuries
past, the democratic pioneers built a series of checks to make sure their
nations wouldn’t be ruined by their own frailties.
The American founders did this by decentralizing power. They built checks
and balances to frustrate and detain the popular will. They also dispersed
power to encourage active citizenship, hoping that as people became more
involved in local government, they would develop a sense of restraint and
responsibility.
In Europe, by contrast, authority was centralized. Power was held by small coteries of administrators and statesmen, many of whom had attended the same elite academies where they were supposed to learn the art and responsibilities of stewardship. Under the parliamentary system, voters didn’t even get to elect their leaders directly. They voted for parties, and party elders selected the ones who would actually form the government, often through secret means.
Though the forms were different, the democracies in Europe and the United
States were based on a similar carefully balanced view of human nature: People
are naturally selfish and need watching. But democratic self-government is
possible because we’re smart enough to design structures to police that
selfishness.
James Madison put it well:
“As there is a degree of depravity in mankind, which requires a certain degree of circumspection and distrust: So there are other qualities in human nature, which justify a certain portion of esteem and confidence.”
But, over the years, this balanced wisdom was lost. Leaders today do not believe their job is to restrain popular will. Their job is to flatter and satisfy it. A gigantic polling apparatus has developed to help leaders anticipate and respond to popular whims. Democratic politicians adopt the mind-set of marketing executives. Give the customer what he wants. The customer is always right.
Having lost a sense of their own frailty, many voters have come to regard
their desires as entitlements. They become incensed when their leaders are not
responsive to their needs. Like any normal set of human beings, they command
their politicians to give them benefits without asking them to pay.
The consequences of this shift are now obvious. In Europe and America,
governments have made promises they can’t afford to fulfill. At the same time,
the decision-making machinery is breaking down. American and European capitals
still have the structures inherited from the past, but without the
self-restraining ethos that made them function.
The American decentralized system of checks and balances has transmogrified
into a fragmented system that scatters responsibility. Congress is capable of
passing laws that give people benefits with borrowed money, but it gridlocks
when it tries to impose self-restraint.
The Obama campaign issues its famous “Julia” ad, which perfectly embodies
the vision of government as a national Sugar Daddy, delivering free money and
goodies up and down the life cycle. The Citizens United case gives
well-financed interests tremendous power to preserve or acquire tax breaks and
regulatory deals. American senior citizens receive health benefits that cost
many times more than the contributions they put into the system.
In Europe, workers across the Continent want great lifestyles without long
work hours. They want dynamic capitalism but also personal security. European
welfare states go broke trying to deliver these impossibilities.
The European ruling classes once had their power checked through daily
contact with the tumble of national politics. But now those ruling classes have
built a technocratic apparatus, the European Union, operating far above popular
scrutiny. Decisions that reshape the destinies of families and nations are
being made at some mysterious, transnational level. Few Europeans can tell who
is making decisions or who is to blame if they go wrong, so, of course, they
feel powerless and distrustful.
Western democratic systems were based on a balance between self-doubt and
self-confidence. They worked because there were structures that protected the
voters from themselves and the rulers from themselves. Once people lost a sense
of their own weakness, the self-doubt went away and the chastening structures
were overwhelmed. It became madness to restrain your own desires because surely
your rivals over yonder would not be restraining theirs.
This is one of the reasons why Europe and the United States are facing debt
crises and political dysfunction at the same time. People used to believe that
human depravity was self-evident and democratic self-government was fragile.
Now they think depravity is nonexistent and they take self-government for
granted.
Neither the United States nor the European model will work again until we
rediscover and acknowledge our own natural weaknesses and learn to police
rather than lionize our impulses.
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