Monday, May 28, 2012

A Case For The Individual

The Case of Sherlock Holmes
By Maura Pennington,
For a character obsessed with details, Sherlock Holmes would be pleased with the ones that were preserved in the BBC modern adaptation whose second series concluded airing in America this past Sunday.  My favorite is John Watson’s puzzled amusement at the gaps in his friend’s prodigious knowledge. 
In the first novel, A Study in Scarlet, before he learns that Holmes is the world’s only consulting detective, Watson tries to make a list to determine his roommate’s occupation based on his apparent areas of expertise.  He finds that Holmes has only a feeble grasp on politics and no understanding of astronomy, the latter made evident by his ignorance of the fact that the earth revolves around the sun.  Both the literary and televised versions of Holmes give the excuse that it only makes sense to retain knowledge that is applicable to one’s own pursuits in life.  For him, the earth’s position in the universe has no bearing on the observation of the idiosyncrasies of men in order to outwit them.

Despite his unbalanced education, Holmes does eventually show that he takes an interest in subjects besides the history of crime or the differentiation of cigar ash and, in the second novel The Sign of Four, he highly recommends that Watson read the real 1872 book The Martyrdom of Man by explorer-philosopher Winwood Reade.  Like his admirer, Reade put faith in the primacy of science.  In hot pursuit of a suspect, Holmes takes a moment to paraphrase Reade’s idea to Watson, explaining that “while the individual man is an insoluble puzzle, in the aggregate he becomes a mathematical certainty.  You can, for example, never foretell what any one man will do, but you can say with precision what an average number will be up to.  Individuals vary, but the percentages remain constant.”  Because groups of people are predictable, and therefore boring, Holmes is fascinated by the singularity of his cases, what makes the peculiar and riddling details stand out amongst the commonplace occurrences of surrounding society.  In other words, he is obsessed with the individual.
Watson may have found in making his list that Holmes would be what today’s pollsters condescendingly call a “low information voter,” yet the detective’s view of mankind is sorely needed in politics.  In contemporary America, leaders put their emphasis on the seeming predictability of the aggregate and have decided that whenever a group of people professes to want something, by nature of it being a consensus, it has to be taken seriously, no matter the effect on individuals outside the group arguing for it. 
In the same way, if a problem arises among a large enough group of people, broad solutions to it are innately acceptable, even if they trespass on the lives of those outside the group or violate what should be the highest law in the land.  A perfect example of this is the suggestion that the remedy to two-thirds of our population being overweight or obese is a manipulation of the price of food for everyone, including those who can moderate their intake of soda without a tax penalty.
In every story, Sherlock Holmes can deduce a person’s occupation and habits at a glance.  He knows where in the superficial and obvious aspects of an identity lies the secret of an individual’s life story.  Such an appreciation of individuality is so rare as to be almost entirely in the realm of fiction, but even a small dose of it would go a long way in changing the perspective of current American policy from one that focuses on mutable definitions of “general” welfare to one that restores an individual’s freedom to make the most appropriate choices to thrive and succeed.
It was recently released that a majority of babies being born in the United States are now minorities.  This nonsensical statement indicates that we have to change our mentality before we start embracing paradoxes.  There is no supreme group of citizens in 21st Century America.  Those who love promoting diversity so much should be pleased to see that, according to the numbers, we are all minorities now.  The time for universal federal mandates of questionable benefit, if they were ever even necessary in the first place, is most certainly over.  When 43 Catholic institutions, including the archdiocese of the capital, sue the executive branch, we can reasonably wonder if the federal government has any clue what’s best for everyone.
In a democracy or republic, the idea that “majority rules” is often mistaken as “majority always rules in everything.”  Within a free society, however, very little should even come under scrutiny to the point where a majority would decide anything about it.  Just because an issue seems to apply to the lives of more than one person does not mean that it requires government intervention.  Sherlock Holmes would scoff at our attempt to draw such drastic conclusions from dubious generalizations and insufficient or contradictory data as to legislate some of the behavior and choices we do.  No doubt he would take one look at our list of controlled substances and laugh (and then cringe at the realization that his private use of stimulants classifies him as much of a criminal as those he catches).  Of course, being the aloof bachelor, he’d have little sympathy for the self-inflicted national turmoil of feeling obligated to legally define romantic relationships.  Holmes isn’t real, but there are people like him who very much exist in our society.  They are just consistently negated by a political preference of groups over individuals.
Literature professor Jim Barloon noted in a paper on identity that Sherlock Holmes is an example of “radical individualism,” and in Victorian England, amidst the crushing anonymity of a vast empire, he would have indeed been a radical.  Yet, in America we have always used a different adjective.  We possess “rugged individualism.”  There is nothing wild or outlandish about being our own specific selves.  In fact, it has always been celebrated to be just that.  So why do so many of us now support a system that undermines our individual freedom at every opportunity?  We want a fence to keep people out and an “Ex-PATRIOT Act” to keep people in and those within the borders are told by the president that a financially infeasible college degree is economically imperative.  With every irrational regulatory imposition by a vocal, if unsubstantial, sub-group, we come to resemble a dystopian perversion of a once great nation.  It doesn’t take an extraordinary fictional detective to observe the signs.
Watson, like the average reader, always tends to be bewildered by what Holmes finds simple, but once he hears the explanation, the mystery dissolves and it becomes thrillingly clear.  Unfortunately, Americans are listening to the explanations given by politicians and unelected civil servants as oblivious as the boastful Scotland Yard officials muddling up crime scenes and misinterpreting motives.  Their well-intentioned assistance is inevitably oppressive.  The trick is to stop turning to them to solve every little problem.  The state has no interest in the individual nature of our concerns, only in their broad resemblance to those of enough other people to make a rule.  In the face of that disinterest, it’s not a surprise that Sir Arthur Conan Doyle produced a constant stream of callers at the private residence of 221B Baker Street, inspiring hundreds of adaptations.  People want personal attention and a federal government simply cannot give that, no matter the expectation.  That should be an elementary fact.

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