By David C. Rose
How important are moral values
for the development and operation of a free-market economy? What follows is an
explanation for why some moral values—the moral “don’ts”—are important to the
conduct of economic activity, while other moral values—the moral “do’s”—can
actually act as impediments. This distinction was first proposed in my book, The
Moral Foundation of Economic Behavior. An interesting byproduct of this exercise
is that it sheds light on what a moral framework that comports with
libertarianism might look like.
“Moral do’s” are exhortations
that tell us what to do if we are to be moral. Since the positive moral action
they encourage is often a matter of degree, they tend not to be specific. For
example, the moral exhortation “be generous” may induce you to give a beggar
money, but it does not tell you how much to give in any given circumstance.
Moral exhortations leave unanswered the question of how generous is generous
enough to be moral. There are different degrees of generosity, and what you
might think is appropriately generous in a given circumstance I might find
inadequate.
Since there is no objective basis for determining the proper place to stop on the continuum of positive moral action intensity (people can honestly disagree about how generous is generous enough, for example), moral exhortations are inherently subjective. Moreover, encouraging one to be completely generous or completely kind just trades a specificity problem for a feasibility problem, since in most cases the upper bound (if one even exists) of the intensity of any given positive moral action is above any individual’s ability to pay. This brings us to a key point. Because moral exhortations normally require action, and action normally requires resources, moral exhortations normally force us to choose.
“Moral don’ts” are
prohibitions that tell us what we shouldn’t do if we are to be moral. Unlike
moral exhortations, moral prohibitions are not inherently matters of degree.
Consider the moral prohibition “don’t steal.” One either steals or does not.
While it is true that there are degrees of stealing, there are no degrees of
not stealing.
Because positive moral action
is normally a matter of degree, there is normally no objective basis for
concluding that someone has behaved immorally in any given circumstance. But
because of the categorical nature of moral prohibitions (one is either in the
set “not steal” or one is not), obeying moral prohibitions is inherently
objective. With respect to moral prohibitions, then, you either behaved morally
because you obeyed or you behaved immorally because you did not.
Since resources are finite,
moral exhortations normally force us to choose between competing ends. So
except in rare circumstances, it is not possible to have a universal standard
for behavior with respect to moral exhortations. This is rarely a problem for
moral prohibitions. Moral prohibitions require inaction, not action, and
inaction normally does not require resources. One can “not lie” to an
infinitely long list of individuals without running out of resources. Although
obeying moral prohibitions may be costly in the sense that one forgoes chances
to engage in opportunism, it is nevertheless true that it is nearly always
possible to obey them, so with moral prohibitions a universal standard for
behavior is possible and expecting others to live up to it is meaningful.
The hallmark of a free-market
economy is voluntary transactions. To occur, voluntary transactions must be
mutually beneficial, so they tend to be welfare-improving. Mutual benefit is
made possible by the existence of transaction surplus—each party gets more than
he gives up—the expectation of which provides the impetus for voluntary
transactions.
Should economic transactions
be encouraged by moral exhortations or should they be left to the pursuit of
self-interest? What is morally positive about economic transactions is the
surplus they produce, because this is what ultimately increases the value of
output per person. But this surplus is precisely what induces transactions to
be undertaken voluntarily in the first place, so there is nothing for moral
exhortations to do. Unless there is a genuine market failure to be addressed, moral
exhortations solve a problem that does not exist. In doing so they are either
superfluous because they don’t change the outcome or inefficient because they
do.
This means there will be fewer
resources available to undertake positive moral actions. Even when a genuine
market failure exists, it does not follow that moral exhortations are an
efficient means of addressing it. It does follow, however, that benevolence is
most efficaciously pursued if, when we are moved to behave benevolently, we do
so as a private consumption activity financed by income derived from
transactions that have already been undertaken because of their mutually
beneficial nature.
With respect to economic
behavior, there is therefore nothing for moral exhortations to do, no problem for
them to solve. What should concern us about the moral character of our
transaction partners is not that they aren’t sufficiently willing to promote
our interest, because we don’t need them to. What should concern us is that
some are all too willing to opportunistically exploit us.
Opportunism
Opportunism can be defined as
acting to promote one’s welfare by taking advantage of a trust extended by an
individual, a group, or society as a whole. The possibility of opportunistic
exploitation drives up the expected cost of transacting. Suchtransaction
cost reduces the scope of transactions through which exchange and
cooperative surpluses can be realized. Where opportunistic activity is
widespread, evidence of its crippling effects is everywhere.
The moral “don’ts” matter most
because if an individual obeys all moral prohibitions, it is impossible to
engage in opportunism. Widespread obedience to moral prohibitions therefore
directly and dramatically reduces transaction costs by precluding opportunism.
So while there is nothing for moral exhortations to do to support the
development and operation of a free-market economy, there is plenty for moral
prohibitions to do.
Individuals who believe they
are morally obligated to obey all moral prohibitions before even considering
obeying any moral exhortation can be rationally expected to always behave in a
trustworthy manner. They will never engage in “greater good” rationalizations
at your expense. Societies within which such moral beliefs predominate enjoy a
social norm of unconditional trustworthiness, which makes a high-trust,
low-transaction-cost society possible.
Social harmony is directly
related to the existence of clear standards for behavior. This is a problem for
moral exhortations because, as noted, there is no objective basis for
discerning to what degree a positive moral action should be taken, and they
entail action that requires resources an individual might not have in
sufficient measure.
As we’ve seen, neither of
these problems applies to moral prohibitions. So with moral prohibitions we
know what we can practicably expect from others and what others will be
expecting of us.
Because of this, with moral
prohibitions everyone can conclude at the same time that someone has not lived
up to a particular standard for moral behavior. This produces a consensus of
disapproval. When everyone can agree that a given action is wrong and therefore
requires disapproval, standards can be reinforced automatically and informally.
There is no need for a central authority to make value judgments because
obeying the standard is not a matter of degree and is therefore not a matter of
subjective judgment.
When we don’t recognize the
elastic nature of moral exhortations in contrast to the categorical nature of
moral prohibitions, we naturally treat them as equivalently functioning moral
values, with the latter being nothing more than negation of the former. In this
case all that matters is relative moral weight. The problem is that even though
negative moral actions are by nature well defined, the moral weight put on them
is not. This makes moral behavior inescapably subjectiveeven for behavior
involving negative moral actions and in so doing makes people
effectively moral free agents, because they are the ones choosing the weights.
As such we don’t know (because we can’t know) what we can and cannot expect
from others.
Many firms have been caught
engaging in questionable practices because of a competitive race to the bottom
of ethical behavior. Modern moral theorists normally attribute this to
corporate leaders not having been sufficiently exhorted to want to “do the
right thing.” But a better approach might lie in the fact that clear moral
standards made possible by prioritizing obedience to moral prohibitions would
provide minimum standards for behavior that people of integrity can use to
avoid getting into a competitive race to the ethical bottom.
The absence of clear moral
standards for behavior can make managers feel they are morally compelled to
disobey moral prohibitions as a means to the end of pursuing positive moral
actions (such as telling a small lie so as not to fire an employee). Such
managers can even conclude that being unwilling to disobey a moral prohibition
amounts to an insufferable act of moral self-righteousness (such as steadfastly
refusing to change a bookkeeping entry after the fact) that puts one’s own
moral self-esteem ahead of the welfare of others (if, say, changing the entry
would avoid bankruptcy, which would lead to workers losing their jobs).
A society composed of
individuals who strongly value obeying moral prohibitions is a society composed
of individuals who expect to feel very guilty if they undertake negative moral
actions. Even when opportunism cannot be observed and no one is appreciably
harmed at the margin, they still feel guilty. Such a society will enjoy low
transaction costs. Such a society has the reason to create and the ability to
sustain institutions that fully support property rights and the creative use of
contracts, which in turn strengthen incentives for effort, investment,
innovation, and invention.
So what explains efforts by
firms to appear benevolent? In low-trust societies firm owners and managers are
forced to extend the radius of small-group trust, which is largely based on
mutual affection. This they do by treating customers and employees “like
family.” Such “warm glow” behavior is actually a symptom of a society’s
inability to produce a norm of unconditional trustworthiness. It is not for
nothing that the warmest cultures have the lowest levels of measured trust and
trustworthiness, and therefore the lowest levels of economic development and
general prosperity. As a society we do best when, with the exception of those
very close to us, we do not expect others to promote our welfare and only
expect that they will obey all moral prohibitions.
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