By mark steyn
Three months ago, I quoted
George Jonas on the 30th anniversary of Canada's ghastly "Charter of
Rights and Freedoms": "There seems to be an inverse relationship
between written instruments of freedom, such as a Charter, and freedom
itself," wrote Jonas. "It's as if freedom were too fragile to be put
into words: If you write down your rights and freedoms, you lose them."
For longer than one might have
expected, the U.S. Constitution was a happy exception to that general rule –
until, that is, the contortions required to reconcile a republic of limited
government with the ambitions of statism rendered U.S. constitutionalism
increasingly absurd. As I also wrote three months ago (yes, yes, don't worry,
there's a couple of sentences of new material in amongst all the I-told-you-so
stuff), "The United States is the only Western nation in which our rulers
invoke the Constitution for the purpose of overriding it – or, at any rate,
torturing its language beyond repair."
Thus, the Supreme Court's Obamacare decision. No one could seriously argue that the Framers' vision of the Constitution intended to provide philosophical license for a national government ("federal" hardly seems le mot juste) whose treasury could fine you for declining to make provision for a chest infection that meets the approval of the Commissar of Ailments. Yet on Thursday, Chief Justice John Roberts did just that. And conservatives are supposed to be encouraged that he did so by appeal to the Constitution's taxing authority rather than by a massive expansion of the Commerce Clause. Indeed, several respected commentators portrayed the Chief Justice's majority vote as a finely calibrated act of constitutional seemliness.
Great. That and $4.95 will get
you a decaf macchiato in the Supreme Court snack bar. There's nothing
constitutionally seemly about a court decision that says this law is only legal
because the people's representatives flat-out lied to the people when they
passed it. Throughout the Obamacare debates, Democrats explicitly denied it was
a massive tax hike: "You reject that it's a tax increase?" George
Stephanopoulos demanded to know on ABC. "I absolutely reject that notion,"
replied the President. Yet "that notion" is the only one that would
fly at the Supreme Court. The jurists found the individual mandate
constitutional by declining to recognize it as a mandate at all. For Roberts'
defenders on the right, this is apparently a daring rout of Big Government:
Like Nelson contemplating the Danish fleet at the Battle of Copenhagen, the
Chief Justice held the telescope to his blind eye and declared, "I see no
ships."
If
it looks like a duck, quacks like a duck, but a handful of judges rule that
it's a rare breed of elk, then all's well. The Chief Justice, on the other
hand, looks, quacks and walks like the Queen in Alice In Wonderland:
"Sentence first – verdict afterwards." The Obama administration
sentences you to a $695 fine, and a couple of years later the queens of the
Supreme Court explain what it is you're guilty of. A. V. Dicey's famous
antipathy to written constitutions and preference for what he called (in a
then-largely unfamiliar coinage) the "rule of law" has never looked
better.
Instead,
constitutionalists argue that Chief Justice Roberts has won a Nelson-like
victory over the ever-expanding Commerce Clause. Big deal – for is his new,
approved, enhanced taxing power not equally expandable? And, in attempting to
pass off a confiscatory penalty as a legitimate tax, Roberts inflicts damage on
the most basic legal principles.
Still,
quibbling over whose pretzel argument is more ingeniously twisted – the
government's or the court's – is to debate, in Samuel Johnson's words, the
precedence between a louse and a flea. I have great respect for George Will,
but his assertion that the Supreme Court decision is a "huge victory"
that will "help revive a venerable tradition" of "viewing
congressional actions with a skeptical constitutional squint" and lead to
a "sharpening" of "many Americans' constitutional
consciousness" is sufficiently delusional that one trusts mental health is
not grounds for priority check-in at the death panel. Back in the real world,
it is a melancholy fact that tens of millions of Americans are far more
European in their view of government than the nation's self-mythologizing would
suggest. Indeed, citizens of many Continental countries now have more – what's
the word? – liberty in matters of health care than
Americans. That's to say, they have genuinely universal government systems
alongside genuinely private-system alternatives. Only in America does "health"
"care" "reform" begin with the hiring of 16,500 new IRS
agents tasked with determining whether your insurance policy merits a fine. It
is the perverse genius of Obamacare that it will kill off what's left of a
truly private health sector without leading to a truly universal system.
However, it will be catastrophically unaffordable, hideously bureaucratic, and
ever more coercive. So what's not to like?
To
give Chief Justice Roberts' argument more credit than it deserves, governments
use taxes as a form of incentive. There is mortgage-tax relief because the
state feels homeownership is generally a good thing. Conversely, not buying
health insurance is a bad thing, so such antisocial behavior should be liable
to a kind of antisocial tax. But, as presently constituted, the Supreme Court's
new "tax" is a steal – $695 is cheaper than most annual health
insurance policies. Especially when, under Obamacare, you're allowed to wait
till you get ill to take out health insurance, and you can't be turned down.
Which is why the cost of insurance is already rising, and will rise higher
still down the road. Which means that, in a few years' time, paying the penalty
will look even more of a bargain, at least until you fall off the roof or
acquire an uncooperative polyp. Right now, many Americans are, by any rational
measure, over-insured. That will be far less affordable in the future. Some are
already downgrading to less-lavish policies. Those with barebones policies
might likewise find it makes more sense to downgrade to the $695 penalty. What
Chief Justice Roberts sees as the Alternative Mandate Tax, millions of
Americans will see as a de facto Alternative Minimum Health Plan.
Who
knows? Chances are I'm wrong, and the justices are wrong, and the government's
wrong, and the consequences of Obamacare will be of a nature none of us has
foreseen. But we already know Obama's been wrong about pretty much everything –
you can keep your own doc, your premiums won't go up, it's not a tax, etc. –
and in the Republic of Paperwork multitrillion-dollar cost overruns and
ever-greater bureaucratic sclerosis seems the very least you can bet on. It
should also be a given that this decision is a forlorn marker on a great
nation's descent into steep decline and decay. Granted the dysfunctionalism of
Canadian health care, there's at least the consolation of an equality of
crappiness for all except Cabinet ministers and NHL players. Here, it's 2,800
unread pages of opt-outs, favors, cronyism, and a $695 fine for those guilty of
no crime except wanting to live their lives without putting their bladder under
the jurisdiction of Commissar Sebelius.
And
the Constitution is apparently cool with all that.
So
be it. It's down to the people now – as it should be. But, meanwhile, a little
less deference to judges wouldn't go amiss. The U.S. Supreme Court is starting
to look like Britain's National Health Service – you wait two years to get in,
and then they tell you there's nothing wrong. And you can't get a second
opinion.
No comments:
Post a Comment