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A gold-standard 1928 one-dollar bill. The income of the median full-time male worker begins to stagnate at exactly the point in 1971 when the dollar was de-linked from gold. |
The difficulties experienced
by the great middle in the U.S. can be, in my opinion, traced to the
delinking of the U.S. dollar from gold in 1971. Now, I know a lot of people are
going to say that is ridiculous. But, one reason I say that is, even by the U.S.
government’s own statistics, the income of the median full-time male worker
begins to stagnate at exactly that point, after rising by huge amounts
during the 1950s and 1960s.
The median U.S. full-time male
income was $47,715 in 2010. In 1969, it was $44,455. The 1969 numbers are of
course “adjusted for inflation,” and you know that the government’s inflation
adjustments are thoroughly low-balled. With slightly more honest statistics,
the trend would not be flat, but instead downward over the past forty years.
Another way of looking at it
is in terms of ounces of gold. After all, gold was the monetary basis of the
United States for 182 years, from 1789 to 1971, so why shouldn’t we use that as
a measure of how much people are really getting paid?
Our median worker, in 1969, made $8,668 nominal. But, in those days, the dollar was worth 1/35th of an ounce of gold. It works out to 248 ounces of gold. In 2010, the dollar’s value was, on average, about 1/1224th of an ounce of gold, and the full-time male worker was making only 39 ounces of gold. This figure exaggerates the situation somewhat, due to the rapid decline of the dollar vs. gold in recent years, but it describes, I would say, the economic reality of the situation.
Think of it like this: what
if, in year 1, the average Mexican full-time male worker was making 8,668 pesos
per year, and the peso’s value was one peso per dollar. The Mexican worker is
making the monetary equivalent of $8,448. In year 40, after four decades of
“easy money” and currency deterioration, the average Mexican worker is making
47,715 pesos, but the peso’s value has fallen to 35 pesos per dollar. We can
see that the Mexican worker is making only $1,363, and no amount of government
statistical tomfoolery or “purchasing power parity” arguments will change that
fundamental fact.
The fact that you can buy an
iPad in Mexico City today, while forty years ago you would have to make do with
a television set based on vacuum tubes, doesn’t change the fact that the
Mexican worker is making less. For some reason, we are able to see these things
easily when I take the hypothetical example of a Mexican worker, but Americans
are prone to states of denial when asked to consider that maybe a similar thing
has been happening to them.
This is why you “can’t devalue
yourself to prosperity.” “Prosperity” mostly means higher wages. But, each time
you devalue the currency, wages tend to go down in real terms, even if they go
up in nominal terms.
The Keynesians are quick to
argue that their “easy money” policies will lead to a reduction in
unemployment. Sometimes, this works (though not always). It often works
because, when wages have been lowered via currency devaluation, then there is
more demand for labor due to the lower price. Currency devaluation might help
the unemployed, but it hurts the employed – always a much larger number –
because their wages have been effectively cut.
Not only do things line up perfectly in terms of timing, but it makes sense on a theoretical basis too, because stagnation and indeed a real decline in wages is exactly the outcome you would expect from a funny-money policy.
Not only do things line up perfectly in terms of timing, but it makes sense on a theoretical basis too, because stagnation and indeed a real decline in wages is exactly the outcome you would expect from a funny-money policy.
However, that is not the only
thing that happened to the U.S. middle class in those years. In general, we
have a slightly better tax system now than then, at least for upper incomes. I
would like to see a much better tax system, more like an 18% flat tax of the
sort that Steve Forbes and others have long promoted.
Reducing taxes on upper
incomes may make the rich richer. However, I don’t see how they make the middle
class poorer – and that is the problem we are talking about here — unless
perhaps the tax cuts reduce funding for government services. That has not been
the case at all: tax revenue as a percentage of GDP has been about as pancake
flat as anything can be for the last sixty years. The variation which does
exist (notably the large decline in the last few years) is mostly related to
economic performance, not tax policy changes. Government spending as a
percentage of GDP is at historic highs today.
However, one thing that has
happened over the past forty or sixty years is that taxes on lower incomes have
increased. The payroll tax was 3% in 1960, or 6% if you consider both the
employer and employee portions. Today, it is 6.2%, or 15.3% taking both sides
and also considering Medicare. That’s a big increase.
Sales taxes have risen from an
average of 7.0% in 1983 to 9.6% in 2010. Unfortunately, the data becomes
murkier going farther back, but it appears that this trend higher in sales
taxes has been taking place since the 1950s.
Also, the basic exemption has
been driven lower and lower, mostly due to inflationary “bracket creep.” In
1950, a married couple was exempt on its first $1,200 of income. That might not
sound like much, but in 1950, per-capita income was about $1,510. In 2010,
per-capita income was $40,584, and a married couple was exempt on only the
first $11,400 of it.
Overall, we’ve seen a gradual
increase in the tax rates on the first $50,0000 of income. Today, for a family
of four that makes over $36,900 — not exactly a high hurdle — you’ll be paying
15% on marginal income, plus 15.3% in payroll taxes (directly or indirectly),
plus about 10% in sales taxes, plus additional state-level and possibly
city-level income taxes, plus property taxes (directly or indirectly), plus
additional fees and taxes on your phone, gasoline, and whatnot. A single
taxpayer hits this level at $14,650. That is, in my opinion, much too heavy a
burden at this income level.
Another theme of the past four
decades or so has been “outsourcing,” first to South Koreans or Mexicans, but
especially to Chinese or Indians in the past fifteen years or so. The problem
is that a huge new supply of labor has been introduced to the world market
economy. This tends to favor capital, i.e. business owners, which is one reason
why U.S. corporate profit margins have been recently near their highest in
decades.
This has been a problem that
we have been trying to deal with for literally the entire history of industrial
capitalism. In general, I like to think of the “capital:labor ratio.” This is
more of an idea than an actual number. All economists agree that rising incomes
are basically a reflection of rising productivity. You can’t have it until you
make it. Think of a person with “little capital.” We tend to like hole-digging
for these examples, so let’s give them a stick. The person can’t dig many holes
with a stick. Their productivity is low. Now we give them more capital, such as
a hand shovel. Their productivity increases. Now we give them still more capital,
in the form of a mechanized backhoe. Their hole-digging abilities take a huge
leap skyward. Now we give them a huge amount of capital, in the form of a giant
excavator found in some mining operations. Their hole-digging abilities
increase again. They have become much more productive.
In practice, “capital” usually
doesn’t take the form of these simplistic examples. It could be education, or
investment in software research and development, or investment in a high-end
hotel resort, instead of these outdated “man with big machine” notions. But,
the basic idea still holds: when there is a lot of capital and relatively
little labor, then individual wages tend to rise. The investment of a billion
dollars in a high-end hotel resort allows several hundred people to provide
high-end hotel resort services, in a similar fashion that investment in a
billion dollars of digging equipment allows several hundred people to provide
excavation services.
Although capital does flow
internationally somewhat, I find that, in general, places with high levels of
capital creation (i.e. a high savings rate and low taxes upon capital and
income) also tend to have high levels of domestic investment. China takes all
the awards here, as it has a savings rate of about 50%, which is extraordinary.
Chinese people are climbing the ladder from stick to shovel to backhoe to giant
excavator very quickly as a result. The U.S. has a very low savings rate,
commonly under 5%, which contributes greatly, I think, to the capital-starved
character of the U.S. economy today.
In short, “labor” has
effectively increased dramatically in the U.S. due to “outsourcing,” while
“capital” is scarce due to a low savings rate and some of the worst treatment
of capital, in terms of taxes, in the developed world.
None of the things that we have enumerated thus far really has much to do with the so-called “1%.” However, particularly in the last few years, the character of U.S. policy has become distinctly corporatist, favoring large-scale theft (“bailouts”) particularly by the financial sector, although also by the defense, education, and healthcare sectors in my opinion. Many corporations have also used their political influence to allow themselves to engage in behavior that is destructive to the middle class, such as predatory or just plain excessive lending, for homes, autos and education, which might otherwise have been curtailed. The U.S. healthcare system has also become effectively predatory upon the middle class, claiming 17% of GDP to provide what costs 5-8% of GDP in other developed countries.
None of the things that we have enumerated thus far really has much to do with the so-called “1%.” However, particularly in the last few years, the character of U.S. policy has become distinctly corporatist, favoring large-scale theft (“bailouts”) particularly by the financial sector, although also by the defense, education, and healthcare sectors in my opinion. Many corporations have also used their political influence to allow themselves to engage in behavior that is destructive to the middle class, such as predatory or just plain excessive lending, for homes, autos and education, which might otherwise have been curtailed. The U.S. healthcare system has also become effectively predatory upon the middle class, claiming 17% of GDP to provide what costs 5-8% of GDP in other developed countries.
In short, certain businesses
are using their influence of the political system to take the government’s
money. And, since it is mostly the “99%” who provide this money, via their tax
payments, this constitutes theft from the middle class by the oligarchical
class. So far, this theft has been financed essentially by debt, so the effect
on the middle class has not been felt directly. But, debt will need to be paid,
and it is the taxpaying “99%” that will do the paying.
Those four elements –
devaluation of wages by currency mismanagement; mediocre tax policy including a
gradual increase in tax rates on lower incomes; the deteriorating capital:labor
ratio; and crony capitalist theft and predatory activities – constitute the
basis for the deterioration of the U.S. middle class today. How could they be
resolved?
1) A policy of stable money, in practice returning to a gold standard system as used for most of U.S. history until 1971.
2) Major tax reform, including both a reduction in top rates and a dramatic reduction in taxes on lower incomes
3) The intent to improve the capital:labor ratio, mostly by way of removing obstacles to capital accumulation, and promoting a much higher savings rate. Note that this is completely contrary to Keynesian notions focusing always on increasing “consumption.”
4) Ending all “crony capitalist” payoffs, and regulating corporate activity that tends to be destructive of middle-class welfare.
Unfortunately, we aren’t
anywhere near having a rational discussion about any of these topics.
Democrats, for the most part, don’t even understand them. Republican thinkers
often do understand them, but rarely talk about them as it tends only to result
in an explosion of Democratic angst.
I think it would be nice if
Republicans could focus their attention a little more on the median and
less-than-median workers and families in the U.S. Explain how policies such as
the ones above will help them more than any tax-and-spend scheme devised by the
Democratic party. Unfortunately, Republicans have made themselves
largely unelectable due to the fact that Republican governments tend to forget
everything they said in the election, and instead, once in office, embark on an
orgy of war, police state expansion, and even bigger payoffs to their crony
capitalist buddies.
Perhaps, before this crisis
era is through, the U.S. political system will get back on track again. But, in
the end, it might be some other country that manages to find the Magic Formula for wealth and
prosperity – the kind of wealth and prosperity that “lifts all boats,” as it
used to be said.
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