By Wolf Richter
The Eurozone
wasn’t supposed to be a house of cards. And as long as there was “confidence”
that it would work, it worked: the financial markets offered cheap
no-questions-asked loans to the most profligate governments, and even tiny
countries like Cyprus were able to suck up and disperse in record time
phenomenal amounts of money. The elites got immensely rich, and even other
members of society were able to pick up some crumbs. But all that remains from
this drunken frenzy are mountains of decomposing debt—and a cacophony of discord,
shouting matches about defaults, and visions of impossibility. Former taboos
are violated, sacred cows are slaughtered, and the euro has been tossed on the
chopping block.
There was
billionaire Frank Stronach who’d announced he’d start an anti-euro political
party in Austria. While the European Union should guarantee peace and the free
movement of goods, people, services, and capital, he said, it could only
function “if every country has its own currency.” He called the ESM, the not
yet existing bailout fund that is supposed to save the Eurozone but is still
hung up in the German Constitutional Court, “insolvency procrastination.” And
he exhorted Austrians to ditch the euro [read.... The Euro Revolt Spreads To
Austria].
Austrian Foreign Minister Michael Spindelegger (ÖVP) would take the opposite tack. Worried about exports—half the jobs in Austria depended on them—he’d rather not get rid of the euro. Instead, “We need possibilities to kick someone out of the monetary union,” he said, particularly “countries that don’t stick to their commitments.” And he jabbed at Greece because it had lied about its numbers in order to be allowed into the Eurozone.
Austrian Foreign Minister Michael Spindelegger (ÖVP) would take the opposite tack. Worried about exports—half the jobs in Austria depended on them—he’d rather not get rid of the euro. Instead, “We need possibilities to kick someone out of the monetary union,” he said, particularly “countries that don’t stick to their commitments.” And he jabbed at Greece because it had lied about its numbers in order to be allowed into the Eurozone.
Alas, being able
to kick a country out would require treaty changes, which would take five
years, Spindelegger said. But he’d already started discussions with other
foreign ministers. While many of them supported treaty changes, unanimity of
all 27 EU countries would be required, he said, possibly aware of his
illusions.
He immediately
caught heat from stalwarts in the coalition government. Some called it
“populist”—as opposed to elitist, perhaps. Chancellor Werner Faymann was
worried about “the negative consequences of a breakup of the Eurozone”—even he
used breakup of the Eurozone, a concept now as common as the
currency itself, though for top politicians, it had been an unmentionable not
long ago. And in Germany, the discussion had already come to a boil [read... German Bailout Rebellion: “We Have Euro-Anarchy”].
In Finland,
Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja poured gasoline on the fire: “We have to face
openly the possibility of a euro-break up,” he said. “Our officials, like everybody else, and like every
general staff, have some sort of operational plan for any eventuality.” The
only handicap? “A Eurozone break-up would cost more in the short-run or
medium-run than managing the crisis.” So it was just a matter of when to
recognize the costs incurred in prior years: publicizing them now or sweeping
them under the rug via the bailout funds that Stronach had correctly called
“insolvency procrastination.”
Like Stronach,
Tuomioja wanted to preserve the EU, and dumping the euro would make it
“function better,” he said. He confirmed the scenario that either the south or
the north would escape “because this currency straitjacket is causing misery
for millions and destroying Europe’s future.” It didn’t help that he called the
euro “a total catastrophe.”
Not a day passes
by when the concept of a Eurozone breakup doesn’t flare up in public. Each
time, it saps confidence in the euro even more, though “confidence” is the only
thing that separates that house of cards from collapse. The 21 EU summits to
save the Eurozone, the waves of half-hearted dog-and-pony shows, and the
alphabet soup of tangled-up and ineffectual bailout measures have all failed to
stem the slide. There is nothing to indicate that a magic potion could
eventually be found. And the fact that “breakup of the Eurozone” is such a
common topic at the top of the political power structure has infused it with a
life of its own.
And here’s a veritable chorus of former (and current) central bankers lashing out
against central-bank sins and shenanigans, by George Dorgan.
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