By Matt Ridley
"Who or what will cause
the 2012 apocalypse?" This is the question posed by the website 2012apocalypse.net.
"Super volcanos? Pestilence and disease? Asteroids? Comets? Antichrist?
Global warming? Nuclear war?" the site's authors are impressively
open-minded about the cause of the catastrophe that is coming at 11:11 pm on
December 21 this year. But they have no doubt it will happen. After all, not
only does the Mayan Long Count calendar end that day, but "the sun will be
aligned with the center of the Milky Way for the first time in about 26,000
years."
Case closed: Sell your
possessions and live for today.
When the sun rises on December
22, as it surely will, do not expect apologies or even a rethink. No matter how
often apocalyptic predictions fail to come true, another one soon arrives. And
the prophets of apocalypse always draw a following-from the 100,000 Millerites
who took to the hills in 1843, awaiting the end of the world, to the thousands
who believed in Harold Camping, the Christian radio broadcaster who forecast
the final rapture in both 1994 and 2011.
Religious zealots hardly have a monopoly on apocalyptic thinking. Consider some of the environmental cataclysms that so many experts promised were inevitable. Best-selling economist Robert Heilbroner in 1974: "The outlook for man, I believe, is painful, difficult, perhaps desperate, and the hope that can be held out for his future prospects seem to be very slim indeed." Or best-selling ecologist Paul Ehrlich in 1968: "The battle to feed all of humanity is over. In the 1970s ["and 1980s" was added in a later edition] the world will undergo famines-hundreds of millions of people are going to starve to death in spite of any crash programs embarked on now … nothing can prevent a substantial increase in the world death rate." Or Jimmy Carter in a televised speech in 1977: "We could use up all of the proven reserves of oil in the entire world by the end of the next decade."
Religious zealots hardly have a monopoly on apocalyptic thinking. Consider some of the environmental cataclysms that so many experts promised were inevitable. Best-selling economist Robert Heilbroner in 1974: "The outlook for man, I believe, is painful, difficult, perhaps desperate, and the hope that can be held out for his future prospects seem to be very slim indeed." Or best-selling ecologist Paul Ehrlich in 1968: "The battle to feed all of humanity is over. In the 1970s ["and 1980s" was added in a later edition] the world will undergo famines-hundreds of millions of people are going to starve to death in spite of any crash programs embarked on now … nothing can prevent a substantial increase in the world death rate." Or Jimmy Carter in a televised speech in 1977: "We could use up all of the proven reserves of oil in the entire world by the end of the next decade."
Predictions of global famine
and the end of oil in the 1970s proved just as wrong as end-of-the-world
forecasts from millennialist priests. Yet there is no sign that experts are
becoming more cautious about apocalyptic promises. If anything, the rhetoric
has ramped up in recent years. Echoing the Mayan calendar folk, theBulletin of
the Atomic Scientists moved its Doomsday Clock one minute
closer to midnight at the start of 2012, commenting: "The global community
may be near a point of no return in efforts to prevent catastrophe from changes
in Earth's atmosphere."
Over the five decades since
the success of Rachel Carson's Silent Spring in 1962 and the four decades
since the success of the Club of Rome's The Limits to Growth in 1972,
prophecies of doom on a colossal scale have become routine. Indeed, we seem to
crave ever-more-frightening predictions-we are now, in writer Gary Alexander's word, apocaholic. The past half
century has brought us warnings of population explosions, global famines,
plagues, water wars, oil exhaustion, mineral shortages, falling sperm counts,
thinning ozone, acidifying rain, nuclear winters, Y2K bugs, mad cow epidemics,
killer bees, sex-change fish, cell-phone-induced brain-cancer epidemics, and
climate catastrophes.
So far all of these specters have turned out to be exaggerated. True, we have encountered obstacles, public-health emergencies, and even mass tragedies. But the promised Armageddons-the thresholds that cannot be uncrossed, the tipping points that cannot be untipped, the existential threats to Life as We Know It-have consistently failed to materialize. To see the full depth of our apocaholism, and to understand why we keep getting it so wrong, we need to consult the past 50 years of history.
The classic apocalypse has
four horsemen, and our modern version follows that pattern, with the four
riders being chemicals (DDT, CFCs, acid rain), diseases (bird flu, swine flu,
SARS, AIDS, Ebola, mad cow disease), people (population, famine), and resources
(oil, metals). Let's visit them each in turn.
The first horseman: chemicals
Silent Spring, published 50
years ago this year, was instrumental in the emergence of modern
environmentalism. "Without this book, the environmental movement might
have been long delayed or never have developed at all," Al Gore wrote in his introduction to
the 1994 edition. Carson's main theme was that the use of synthetic
pesticides-DDT in particular-was causing not only a massacre of wildlife but an
epidemic of cancer in human beings. One of her chief inspirations and sources
for the book was Wilhelm Hueper, the first director of the environmental arm of
the National Cancer Institute. So obsessed was Hueper with his notion that
pesticides and other synthetic chemicals were causing cancers (and that
industry was covering this up) that he strenuously opposed the suggestion that
tobacco-smoking take any blame. Hueper wrote in a 1955 paper called "Lung
Cancers and Their Causes," published in CA: A Cancer
Journal for Clinicians, "Industrial or industry-related atmospheric
pollutants are to a great part responsible for the causation of lung cancer …
cigarette smoking is not a major factor in the causation of lung cancer."
In fact, of course, the link
between smoking and lung cancer was found to be ironclad. But the link between
modern chemicals and cancer is sketchy at best. Even DDT, which clearly does
pose health risks to those unsafely exposed, has never been definitively linked
to cancer. In general, cancer incidence and death rates, when corrected for the
average age of the population, have been falling now for 20 years.
By the 1970s the focus of
chemical concern had shifted to air pollution. Life magazine set
the scene in January 1970: "Scientists have solid
experimental and theoretical evidence to support … the following predictions:
In a decade, urban dwellers will have to wear gas masks to survive air
pollution … by 1985 air pollution will have reduced the amount of sunlight
reaching earth by one half." Instead, driven partly by regulation and
partly by innovation, both of which dramatically cut the pollution coming from
car exhaust and smokestacks, ambient air quality improved dramatically in many
cities in the developed world over the following few decades. Levels of carbon
monoxide, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, lead, ozone, and volatile organic
compounds fell and continue to fall.
In the 1980s it was acid
rain's turn to be the source of apocalyptic forecasts. In this case it was
nature in the form of forests and lakes that would bear the brunt of human
pollution. The issue caught fire in Germany, where a cover story in the news
magazine Der Spiegel in November 1981 screamed: "THE FOREST DIES."
Not to be outdone, Stern magazine declared that a third of Germany's forests
were already dead or dying. Bernhard Ulrich, a soil scientist at the University
of Göttingen, said it was already too late
for the country's forests: "They cannot be saved." Forest death,
or waldsterben, became a huge story across Europe. "The forests and
lakes are dying. Already the damage may be irreversible," journalist Fred
Pearce wrote in New
Scientist in 1982. It was much the same in North America: Half
of all US lakes were said to be becoming dangerously acidified, and forests
from Virginia to central Canada were thought to be suffering mass die-offs of
trees.
Conventional wisdom has it
that this fate was averted by prompt legislative action to reduce sulphur
dioxide emissions from power plants. That account is largely false. There was
no net loss of forest in the 1980s to reverse. In the US, a 10-year
government-sponsored study involving some 700 scientists and costing about $500
million reported in 1990 that "there
is no evidence of a general or unusual decline of forests in the United States
and Canada due to acid rain" and "there is no case of forest decline
in which acidic deposition is known to be a predominant cause." (See also: here and here.) In Germany, Heinrich
Spiecker, director of the Institute for Forest Growth, was commissioned by a
Finnish forestry organization to assess the health of European forests. He
concluded that they were growing faster and healthier than ever and had been
improving throughout the 1980s. "Since we began measuring the forest more
than 100 years ago, there's never been a higher volume of wood … than there is
now," Spiecker said. (Ironically, one of the
chief ingredients of acid rain-nitrogen oxide-breaks down naturally to become
nitrate, a fertilizer for trees.) As for lakes, it turned out that their rising
acidity was likely caused more by reforestation than by acid rain; one study
suggested that the correlation between acidity in rainwater and the pH in the
lakes was very low. The story of acid rain is not of catastrophe averted but of
a minor environmental nuisance somewhat abated.
The threat to the ozone layer
came next. In the 1970s scientists discovered a decline in the concentration of
ozone over Antarctica during several springs, and the Armageddon megaphone was
dusted off yet again. The blame was pinned on chlorofluorocarbons, used in
refrigerators and aerosol cans, reacting with sunlight. The disappearance of
frogs and an alleged rise of melanoma in people were both attributed to ozone
depletion. So too was a supposed rash of blindness in animals: Al Gore wrote in 1992 about blind
salmon and rabbits ["hunters now report finding blind rabbits; fisherman
catch blind salmon."], while The New York Times reported
"an increase inTwilight Zone-type reports of sheep and rabbits with
cataracts" in Patagonia. But all these accounts proved incorrect. The frogs
were dying of a fungal disease spread by people; the sheep had viral pinkeye;
the mortality rate from melanoma actually leveled off during the growth of the
ozone hole; and as for the blind salmon and rabbits, they were never heard of
again.
There was an international
agreement to cease using CFCs by 1996. But the predicted recovery of the ozone
layer never happened: The hole stopped growing before the ban took effect, then
failed to shrink afterward. The ozone hole still grows every Antarctic spring,
to roughly the same extent each year. Nobody quite knows why. Some scientists
think it is simply taking longer than expected for the chemicals to
disintegrate; a few believe that the cause of the
hole was misdiagnosed in the first place. Either way, the ozone hole cannot yet
be claimed as a looming catastrophe, let alone one averted by political action.
[The next chemical scare was
"endocrine disruptors", chemicals that mimic sex hormones. In a book
entitled Our Stolen Future, published in 1996, many plastics, pesticides
and other man-made chemicals stood accused of changing the sex of
fish, shrinking the penises of alligators and depressing the sperm counts of
men. "Chemicals that disrupt hormone messages have the power to rob us of
rich possibilities that have been the legacy of our species and, indeed, the
essence of our humanity. There may be fates worse than extinction," warned the three authors
melodramatically.
In 1992, Danish researchers
reported that human sperm counts had fallen by 50% in 50 years, but they did so
by comparing different studies in different places at different times. Other
studies failed to replicate the results and by 2011 the sperm-count fall had
been laid to rest as a myth following a 15-year study of Danish
national-service recruits, which found "no indication that
semen quality has changed". It also noted that "there is only very
limited epidemiologic evidence to support the broader endocrine disruption
hypothesis". Few researchers now believe there was ever much of an issue
here.]
The second horseman: disease
Repeatedly throughout the past
five decades,the imminent advent of a new pandemic has been foretold. The 1976
swine flu panic was an early case. Following the death of a single recruit at
Fort Dix, the Ford administration vaccinated more than 40 million
Americans, but more people probably died from adverse reactions to the vaccine
than died of swine flu.
A few years later, a fatal
virus did begin to spread at an alarming rate, initially through the homosexual
community. AIDS was soon, rightly, the focus of serious alarm. But not all the
dire predictions proved correct. "Research studies now project that one in
five-listen to me, hard to believe-one in five heterosexuals could be dead from
AIDS at the end of the next three years. That's by 1990. One in five,"
Oprah Winfrey warned in 1987 (Quoted in "Bias", by Bernard Goldberg.
Regnery Publishing 2002.)
Bad as AIDS was, the
broad-based epidemic in the Americas, Europe, and Asia never materialized as
feared, though it did in Africa. In 2000 the US National Intelligence Council predicted that
HIV/AIDS would worsen in the developing world for at least 10 years and was
"likely to aggravate and, in some cases, may even provoke economic decay,
social fragmentation and political destabilization in the hardest hit countries
in the developing and former communist worlds."
Yet the peak of the epidemic
had already passed in the late 1990s, and today AIDS is in slow retreat
throughout the world. New infections were 20 percent lower in 2010 than in
1997, and the lives of more than 2.5 million people have been saved since 1995
by antiretroviral treatment. "Just a few years ago, talking about ending
the AIDS epidemic in the near term seemed impossible, but science, political
support, and community responses are starting to deliver clear and tangible
results," UNAIDS executive director Michel Sidibé wrote last year.
The emergence of AIDS led to a
theory that other viruses would spring from tropical rain forests to wreak
revenge on humankind for its ecological sins. That, at least, was the implication
of Laurie Garrett's 1994 book, The Coming Plague: Newly Emerging Diseases
in a World Out of Balance. The most prominent candidate was Ebola, the
hemorrhagic fever that starred in Richard Preston's The Hot Zone,
published the same year. Writer Stephen King called the book "one of
the most horrifying things I've ever read." Right on cue, Ebola appeared
again in the Congo in 1995, but it soon disappeared. Far from being a
harbinger, HIV was the only new tropical virus to go pandemic in 50 years.
In the 1980s British cattle
began dying from mad cow disease, caused by an infectious agent in feed that
was derived from the remains of other cows. When people, too, began to catch
this disease, predictions of the scale of the epidemic quickly turned
terrifying: Up to 136,000 would die, according to one
study. A pathologist warned that the British
"have to prepare for perhaps thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of
thousands, of cases of vCJD [new variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease, the human
manifestation of mad cow] coming down the line." Yet the total number of
deaths so far in the UK has been 176, with just five
occurring in 2011 and none so far in 2012.
In 2003 it was SARS, a virus
from civet cats, that ineffectively but inconveniently led to quarantines in
Beijing and Toronto amid predictions of global Armageddon. SARS subsided within a year, after
killing just 774 people. In 2005 it was bird flu, described at the time by a United
Nations official as being "like a combination of global warming and
HIV/AIDS 10 times faster than it's running at the moment." The World
Health Organization's official forecast was 2 million to 7.4 million
dead. In fact, by late 2007, when the disease petered out, the death toll was
roughly 200. In 2009 it was Mexican swine flu. WHO director general Margaret
Chan said: "It really is all of
humanity that is under threat during a pandemic." The outbreak proved to
be a normal flu episode.
The truth is, a new global
pandemic is growing less likely, not more. Mass migration to cities means the
opportunity for viruses to jump from wildlife to the human species has not
risen and has possibly even declined, despite media hype to the contrary.
Water- and insect-borne infections-generally the most lethal-are declining as
living standards slowly improve. It's true that casual-contact infections such
as colds are thriving-but only by being mild enough that their victims can
soldier on with work and social engagements, thereby allowing the virus to
spread. Even if a lethal virus does go global, the ability of medical science
to sequence its genome and devise a vaccine or cure is getting better all the
time.
The third horseman: people
Of all the cataclysmic threats
to human civilization envisaged in the past 50 years, none has drawn such
hyperbolic language as people themselves. "Human beings are a disease, a
cancer of this planet," says Agent Smith in the filmThe Matrix. Such
rhetoric echoes real-life activists like Paul Watson of the
Sea Shepherd Conservation Society: "We need to radically and intelligently
reduce human populations to fewer than one billion … Curing a body of cancer
requires radical and invasive therapy, and therefore, curing the biosphere of
the human virus will also require a radical and invasive approach."
On a "stinking hot"
evening in a taxi in Delhi in 1966, as Paul Ehrlich wrote in his best
seller, The Population Bomb, "the streets seemed alive with people.
People eating, people washing, people sleeping. People visiting, arguing, and
screaming. People thrusting their hands through the taxi window, begging.
People defecating and urinating. People clinging to buses. People herding
animals. People, people, people, people." Ehrlich's conclusion was bleak:
"The train of events leading to the dissolution of India as a viable
nation" was already in progress. And other experts agreed. "It is already too late
to avoid mass starvation," said Denis Hayes, organizer of the first Earth
Day in 1970. Sending food to India was a mistake and only
postponed the inevitable, William and Paul Paddock wrote in their best seller, Famine-1975!
What actually happened was
quite different. The death rate fell. Famine became rarer. The population
growth rate was cut in half, thanks chiefly to the fact that as babies stop
dying, people stop having so many of them. Over the past 50 years, worldwide food
production per capita has risen, even as the global
population has doubled. Indeed, so successful have farmers been at increasing
production that food prices fell to record lows in the early 2000s and large
parts of western Europe and North America have been reclaimed by forest. (A policy
of turning some of the world's grain into motor fuel has reversed some of that decline and
driven prices back up.)
Meanwhile, family size
continues to shrink on every continent. The
world population will probably never double again, whereas it quadrupled in the
20th century. With improvements in seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, transport,
and irrigation still spreading across Africa, the world may well feed 9 billion
inhabitants in 2050-and from fewer acres than it now uses to feed 7 billion.
The fourth horseman: resources
In 1977 President Jimmy Carter went
on television and declared: "World oil production
can probably keep going up for another six or eight years. But sometime in the
1980s, it can't go up anymore. Demand will overtake production." He was
not alone in this view. The end of oil and gas had been predicted repeatedly
throughout the 20th century. In 1922 President Warren Harding created the US
Coal Commission, which undertook an 11-month survey that warned, "Already
the output of [natural] gas has begun to wane. Production of oil cannot long
maintain its present rate." (Quoted in Bradley, R.L. 2007. Capitalism at
Work. Scrivener Press. P 206.) In 1956, M. King Hubbert, a Shell
geophysicist, forecast that gas production in
the US would peak at about 14 trillion cubic feet per year sometime around
1970.
All these predictions failed
to come true. Oil and gas production have continued to rise during the past 50
years. Gas reserves took an enormous leap upward after 2007, as engineers
learned how to exploit abundant shale gas. In 2011 the International Energy
Agency estimated that global gas
resources would last 250 years. Although it seems likely that cheap sources of
oil may indeed start to peter out in coming decades, gigantic quantities of shale
oil and oil sands will remain available, at least at a price. Once again,
obstacles have materialized, but the apocalypse has not. Ever since Thomas
Robert Malthus, doomsayers have tended to underestimate the power of
innovation. In reality, driven by price increases, people simply developed new
technologies, such as the horizontal drilling technique that has helped us
extract more oil from shale.
It was not just energy but
metals too that were supposed to run out. In 1970 Harrison Brown, a member of
the National Academy of Sciences, forecast in Scientific
American that lead, zinc, tin, gold, and silver would all be gone by 1990.
The best-selling book The Limits to Growth was published 40 years ago
by the Club of Rome, a committee of prominent environmentalists with a penchant
for meeting in Italy. The book forecast that if use continued to accelerate
exponentially, world reserves of several metals could run out by 1992 and help
precipitate a collapse of civilization and population in the subsequent
century, when people no longer had the raw materials to make machinery. These
claims were soon being repeated in schoolbooks. "Some scientists estimate
that the world's known supplies of oil, tin, copper, and aluminum will be used
up within your lifetime," one read. In fact, as the results of a
famous wager between Paul Ehrlich and
economist Julian Simon later documented, the metals did not run out. Indeed,
they grew cheaper. Ehrlich, who
claimed he had been "goaded" into the bet, growled, "The one thing we'll
never run out of is imbeciles."
[Far from being congratulated
for this feat, Simon was widely attacked. So he offered one of his critics,
William Conway of the New York Zoological Society, a bet on species extinction:
"I'll bet that the number of scientifically-proven species extinctions in
the world in the year 2000 is not even one-hundredth as large as the 40,000 as
conventionally forecast; any other year will be fine, too."
The estimate of 40,000 species
going extinct a year came from the conservationist
Norman Myers in 1979, though it was originally more an assumption than a
measurement: "Let us suppose that, as a consequence of this man-handling
of natural environments, the final one quarter of this century witnesses the
elimination of one million species - a far from unlikely prospect. This would
work out, during the course of 25 years, at an average extinction rate of
40,000 species per year."
Not that Myers's number was
much different from those being suggested by others. The Harvard biologist
E.O.Wilson has regularly spoken of 27,000 species going extinct each year, a
number reached by calculating how much habitat is being lost and applying a
mathematical formula called the species-area curve. However, a recent study by
Stephen Hubbell and Fangliang He, of the University of California at Los
Angeles, found that these
"estimated" extinction rates are "almost always much higher than
those actually observed" -- loss of forest habitat does not result in
species loss at the rate predicted by the theory.
This may explain why actual
recorded extinction rates, though bad enough, are so much lower than predicted.
Whereas Wilson's 27,000 annual extinctions should be producing 26 bird and 13
mammal extinctions a year, in fact, on a comprehensive list kept by the
American Museum of Natural History, extinctions of bird and mammal species peaked at 1.6 a year around
1900 and have since dropped to about 0.2 a year. So far 1.3% of mammals
(69/4428) and 1.4% of birds (129/8971) have gone extinct in four centuries.
Each extinction is a tragedy.
But this is a far cry from the extinction rates forecast by Dillon Ripley, secretary
of the Smithsonian Institute, (75-80% of species by 1995), Paul and Anne Ehrlich
(50% by 2005) and Thomas Lovejoy for the Global 2000 Report to President Carter
(15-20% by 2000).]
Conclusion
Over the past half century,
none of our threatened eco-pocalypses have played out as predicted. Some came
partly true; some were averted by action; some were wholly chimerical. This
raises a question that many find discomforting: With a track record like this,
why should people accept the cataclysmic claims now being made about climate
change? After all, 2012 marks the apocalyptic deadline of not just the Mayans
but also a prominent figure in our own time: Rajendra Pachauri, head of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, who said in 2007 that "if
there's no action before 2012, that's too late … This is the defining moment."
So, should we worry or not
about the warming climate? It is far too binary a question. The lesson of
failed past predictions of ecological apocalypse is not that nothing was
happening but that the middle-ground possibilities were too frequently excluded
from consideration. In the climate debate, we hear a lot from those who think
disaster is inexorable if not inevitable, and a lot from those who think it is
all a hoax. We hardly ever allow the moderate "lukewarmers" a voice:
those who suspect that the net positive feedbacks from water vapor in the
atmosphere are low, so that we face only 1 to 2 degrees Celsius of warming this
century; that the Greenland ice sheet may melt but no faster than its current
rate of less than 1 percent per century; that net increases in rainfall (and
carbon dioxide concentration) may improve agricultural productivity; that
ecosystems have survived sudden temperature lurches before; and that adaptation
to gradual change may be both cheaper and less ecologically damaging than a
rapid and brutal decision to give up fossil fuels cold turkey.
We've already seen some
evidence that humans can forestall warming-related catastrophes. A good example
is malaria, which was once widely predicted to get worse as a result of climate
change. Yet in the 20th century, malaria retreated from large parts of the
world, including North America and Russia, even as the world warmed.
Malaria-specific mortality plummeted in the first decade of the current century
by an astonishing 25 percent. The weather may well have grown more hospitable
to mosquitoes during that time. But any effects of warming were more than
counteracted by pesticides, new antimalarial drugs, better drainage, and
economic development. Experts such as Peter Gething at Oxford argue that these
trends will continue, whatever the weather.
Just as policy can make the
climate crisis worse-mandating biofuels has not only encouraged rain forest
destruction, releasing carbon, but driven millions into poverty and
hunger-technology can make it better. If plant breeders boost rice yields, then
people may get richer and afford better protection against extreme weather. If
nuclear engineers make fusion (or thorium fission) cost-effective, then carbon
emissions may suddenly fall. If gas replaces coal because of horizontal
drilling, then carbon emissions may rise more slowly. Humanity is a fast-moving
target. We will combat our ecological threats in the future by innovating to
meet them as they arise, not through the mass fear stoked by worst-case
scenarios.
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