by
Charles Hugh Smith
Longtime correspondent Cheryl
A. asked me to comment on the dispute between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu
Islands. I am happy to oblige, as this raises a great number
of deeply intertwined issues that are playing out in Asia.
Let's start by noting the
"stranger than fiction" absurdity of privately owned islands in
ambiguous-nationality waters off China--the scenario of Bruce Lee's
classic martial arts film Enter the Dragon. The plot revolves around an
ex-Shaolin monk engaged in the drug and prostitution trade who has acquired a
private island with murky nationality where he stages martial arts competitions
of "epic proportions."
Despite
the resemblance to fiction, the dispute is soberingly real, and rooted in
chains of events stretching back to 1274 and 1592. Although ostensibly about
rights to possible undersea oil/gas reserves, the conflict is about more than
territorial or mineral rights.
Japanese
fear of Chinese domination can be traced back to the 1200s, when two massive
fleets under Mongol leader Kublai Khan attacked Japan in 1274 and again in
1281. The four thousand-ship fleet carrying nearly 140,000 men is said to have
been the largest naval invasion in history, eclipsed only in modern times by
the D-Day invasion of France (Normandy landings) in 1944. The Mongol fleet was
twice dispersed by timely typhoons known in Japan as the "divine
wind" (kamikaze).
If
you visit Korea, you will notice a curious repetition in the placard
descriptions of the historic temples and palaces. Each description includes the
phrase, "burned by the Japanese in 1592."
Hideyoshi,
the feudal daimyo of Japan, seeking some project to occupy 200,000
battle-hardened samurai and soldiers who had been engaged in decades of
feudal-fiefdom warfare in Japan, decided to invade Korea, an independent
kingdom that paid tribute to Ming Dynasty China and was within China's sphere
of influence.
The
Japanese were not kindly conquerors. Not only did they put many of the national
treasures to the torch, they destroyed crops, leading to widespread starvation
and civilian death, and enslaved thousands of craftsmen who were shipped to
Japan.
The
Korean Navy managed to limit the invader's sea-supply chain, and eventually the
Chinese Ming Dynasty entered the conflict to aid its Korean protectorate. The
losses suffered by Korea were catastrophic, and the drain on the Chinese
Imperial budget may have contributed to the decline of the Ming Dynasty, which
fell in 1644.
There
were actually two invasions separated by a brief Chinese-brokered peace. The
war finally ended in 1598.
Japanese
designs on Korea did not disappear, as Japan annexed Korea as a colony in 1910,
a status that lasted until the end of World War II.
Though
there is a lively trade between Japan and Korea, it is safe to say that the
Koreans have not forgotten the brutal oppression they suffered under Japanese
rule from 1910 to 1945, nor have they forgotten the needless destruction and
civilian deaths resulting from the Japanese invasion of 1592. Even today,
Koreans are second-class citizens in Japan, though you will be hard-pressed to
get any official recognition of this reality.
China
suffered greatly at the hands of the Japanese during World War II, when Japan
invaded and occupied major swaths of coastal and northern China. The senseless, needless
massacre of hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians has been
well-documented, though Japanese "Holocaust deniers" claim otherwise.
The 1998 account of one city's experience, The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War
II,
awakened many to the brutality of the Japanse occupation.
Tens
of thousands of Chinese civilians were killed by Japanese Imperial Army troops
in China as punishment for Chinese aid to the 1942 Doolittle raid flyers who
crash-landed in China after bombing Tokyo. The Japanese killed an estimated 250,000 civilians while
searching for Doolittle's men.
Though
it is not acknowledged, the primary reason American troops remain stationed in
Japan is not to protect Japan but to protect its Asian neighbors from Japanese
aggression. This is also the reason American troops remain in
Germany, 67 years after the end of World War II and two decades after the
Soviet Empire collapsed. While the U.S. maintained an extensive military
presence in Japan and West Germany as part of its defensive protection of the
West from Soviet encroachment, the military presence also reassured nervous
neighbors that the U.S. would limit the German and Japanese armed forces and
cap those nations' aggressive tendencies.
This
is why all the calls in Asia for the U.S. to reduce its presence ring hollow. Not only have people not
forgotten Japanese aggression, they also haven't forgotten a thousand years of
Chinese domination. The U.S. presence in East Asia reassures everyone in the
region that neither Japan nor China will have a free hand to colonize, annex or
otherwise dominate the region.
The
Chinese people have a chip on their shoulder which they do not even see. The consensus view in
China--once again, not spoken publicly, but real nonetheless--is that China's
rightful place in the world is at the center (hence the term "middle
kingdom," which actually means "center of the world"). Thus the
entire world "should" recognize China's natural place at the head of
the table, so to speak, and any other nation's resistance to this "natural
order" (for example, America's) is seen as "they're trying to hold us
back" rather than as an expression of national self-interest.
In
other words, to the Chinese, it's always about China: whatever any other nation
does, not just in Asia but anywhere on the planet, it's always "they're
trying to hold back" China.
This
smoldering chip on the shoulder has two sources: the humiliation of the 19th
century at the hands of European and American colonial powers (imagine San
Francisco being carved up and occupied by foreign nations, and you get a taste
of Chinese resentment) and the aforementioned sense of dominance being the
birthright of China.
Then
there's the Asian focus on "face" that I discuss in China: An Interim Report: Its Economy, Ecology and Future (2005). Apparently The Japanese felt
they lost face in last year's kerfuffle between a Chinese fishing boat and a
Japanese patrol craft, and so "backing down" on the Senkaku Islands
is not a domestic-politics option.
China's
leadership, scheduled to change hands later in the year, is keen to avoid any
public loss of face as well, as the last thing the leadership wants is any
public perception of weakness against "Japanese aggression." One need
only read The Rape of Nanking to udnerstand why it doesn't take
much to incite mobs to trash every outpost of Japanese commerce within sight.
The
Japanese have a peculiarly virulent strain of right-wing militarism that
continues to influence domestic politics. In this worldview, reverence for the
Imperial household is mixed with an aggrieved sense that Japan's expansion in
World War II was justified (though few would say this publicly). As a result,
any official Japanese attempt to apologize for the horrendous destruction,
murder, enslavement and torture inflicted by Japanese forces in World War II
sparks outrage in one sector of the domestic political order.
Deep
within this mindset is the view that the only thing wrong with World War II was
that Japan lost.
Even
more galling to those who suffered so mightily, Japan has refused to publicly
acknowledge (though they claim they have) and compensate the "comfort
women," young women who were forced into prostitution to serve Japan's
armed forces in the Asian/Pacific theater of World War II.
This
official dance between apology and refusal satisfies no one, and the general
sense outside Japan is that the Japanese acceptance of guilt is grudging public
relations rather than sincere.
Combine
an obsession with "face" and a plethora of deep-seated resentments, and you get the tinder for
territorial disputes. What appears to be lost on the Chinese is the consequence
of their saber-rattling and bluster: they appear to have obliterated 20 years
of careful diplomacy aimed at convincing their neighbors of China's peaceful
intentions.
What
seems to be lost on the Japanese is the painful proximity of their World War II
brutality in the awareness of their Asian neighbors.
As
for solutions: one would hope there is a face-saving way to "engage in
peaceful negotiations." If not, then this issue will fester. Though no one
wants to state it publicly, there is a role for the U.N. as "honest
broker" here, if only the participants can take their hands off their
saber handles and practice a bit of honest self-criticism.
Could Asia really go to war over these? The bickering over islands
is a serious threat to the region’s peace and prosperity. (The Economist)
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