Last week, I introduced readers to John Brennan,
the U.S. president's closest advisor for intelligence and counterterrorism
issues. Although Americans know little about Brennan, he plays an essential
role in shaping and implementing the expansive, unprecedented targeted killing
of suspected terrorists and militants. He is, the New York Times reported, citing administration
officials, the "priest whose blessing has become indispensable" to
Obama. After Brennan lost out on the nomination for CIA director, he became the
White House's homeland security advisor and deputy national security advisor
for counterterrorism. As Michael Hayden -- the holdover CIA director until Leon
Panetta was confirmed -- once observed, "John Brennan's the
actual national intelligence director."
Not only does
Brennan oversee Obama's vision of targeted killings, but he is their public
face, defending the policies in major speeches, appearing on Sunday morning
talk shows, and providing on- and off-the-record interviews to journalists.
According to current and former administration officials, Brennan has embraced
this role because he believes that the United States must be more transparent
about the legal and ethical foundations for targeted killings. Whereas George
W. Bush's administration never discussed any aspects of its targeted-killing
policies, Barack Obama's administration has been marginally more forthcoming,
beginning with its first official acknowledgment of the practice of targeted
killings by drones in a speech this April by Brennan.
Given that Obama
authorized Brennan to play such an extraordinary role, it is useful to examine
what Brennan has said, especially because, since he's a presidential advisor,
Congress will never compel him to answer questions in a hearing. After a close
reading, what emerge are seven half-truths and direct contradictions between
stated U.S. policies and actual practices.
1. We will
kill all of al Qaeda.
"We're not
going to rest until al Qaeda the organization is destroyed and is eliminated
from areas in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Africa, and other areas. We're
determined to do that." (This Week with George
Stephanopoulos, April 29, 2012)
The mantra of
U.S. military officials who oversee counterterrorism or counterinsurgency
policies is "you can't capture or kill your way out" of problems
caused by those using violence to achieve political objectives. It is a slogan
based in the real-world experiences of many military commanders and much
academic research. For example, a 2008 Rand Corp. study, How Terrorist Groups End: Lessons for Countering al Qa'ida, examined 268 terrorist
groups that ended between 1968 and 2006. The authors -- including Seth Jones,
former advisor to U.S. Special Operations Command -- found that the vast
majority of terrorist groups were eliminated because they either were
infiltrated by local police and intelligence agencies (40 percent) or reached a
peaceful political agreement with the government (43 percent).
Meanwhile,
military force -- think drones and Navy SEAL raids -- eliminated terrorist
groups only 7 percent of the time. The reason? "[O]nce the situation in an
area becomes untenable for terrorists, they will simply transfer their activity
to another area, and the problem remains unresolved." This is certainly
the case in Pakistan, where the CIA drone campaign has killed suspected senior
al Qaeda officials, midtier operatives, and more than 1,000 low-level
militants. The Associated Press reported on Sept. 3 that, according to two senior U.S. officials, drone strikes have made
would-be militants "skittish, prompting some to leave Pakistan for other
battlefields in Syria, Yemen, Iraq or their home countries." Reportedly, some 250 militants have fled
in just the past month to fight in Syria, depressing the price of secondhand
weapons in the tribal areas of Pakistan.
Although drone
strikes have arguably been effective at killing some senior al Qaeda members in
Pakistan, the numbers elsewhere suggest there is a lot of killing yet ahead.
The State Department's "Country Reports on Terrorism 2011" lists the following
estimated strengths of al Qaeda franchises (outside Afghanistan and Pakistan):
"1,000-2,000" in Iraq, "under a thousand fighters" in the
Islamic Maghreb, "several thousand members" in Somalia, and "a
few thousand members" in the Arabian Peninsula (al Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula, or AQAP). Can U.S. drone strikes really kill them all? Even so, it
is exceedingly unlikely that all individuals affiliated with al Qaeda would be
"destroyed and eliminated" without expanding the scope of the
problem. As Sudarsan Raghavan reported from Yemen, "AQAP
operatives killed in U.S. drone attacks are quickly replaced."
2. We prefer
capturing suspected terrorists.
"Whenever
it is possible to capture a suspected terrorist, it is the unqualified
preference of the administration to take custody of that individual so we can
obtain information that is vital to the safety and security of the American
people." ("Strengthening Our Security by
Adhering to Our Values and Laws," speech, Sept. 16,
2011)
By the time
Obama entered office, the United States had basically quit capturing terrorists
in non-battlefield situations. This was not always the case. Although it may be
difficult to recall, in the 14 months after the 9/11 attacks, more than 3,000
al Qaeda operatives and affiliates weredetained in over 100 countries.
Most were eventually released, but hundreds of others (plus additional
suspected terrorists captured in the subsequent half-decade) were transferred
to CIA black sites, Guantánamo Bay, or U.S.-controlled prisons in Afghanistan and
Iraq. By no later than 2006, however, the Bush administration stopped
detentions because the White House and Congress could not reach an agreement
over the legal jurisdiction of captured suspected terrorists.
In late 2009,
this was made plain when Gen. James Cartwright, vice chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, reportedly told Obama, "We do
not have a plausible capture strategy." According to Daniel Klaidman in
his book, Kill or Capture, "The inability to
detain terror suspects was creating perverse incentives that favored killing or
releasing suspected terrorists over capturing them." And in the words of an anonymous
"top counterterrorism adviser": "We never talked about this
openly, but it was always a back-of-the-mind thing for us.… Anyone who says it
wasn't is not being straight."
This reality was
recently echoed by Sen. Lindsey Graham,
who serves on the Armed Services and Judiciary committees: "We lack, as a
nation, a place to put terrorists if we catch them.… I can tell you that the
operators are in a bad spot out there. They know that if they capture a guy, it
creates a nightmare. And it's just easier to kill 'em." This perverse
incentive remains in place today and largely explains why around 3,000
suspected terrorists and militants have been killed by drone strikes under
Obama and only a handful have been captured.
3. We don't
kill civilians.
Stephanopoulos:
"Do you stand by the statement you have made in the past that, as effective
as they have been, they have not killed a single civilian? That seems hard to
believe."
Brennan:
"What I said was that over a period of time before my public remarks that
we had no information about a single civilian, a noncombatant being killed.
Unfortunately, in war, there are casualties, including among the civilian
population.… And unfortunately, sometimes you have to take life to save
lives." (This Week with George
Stephanopoulos, April 29, 2012)
In his public
comments, Brennan is clear that the Obama administration endorses a drone-first
eliminationist strategy for dealing with al Qaeda -- and any "military-age males" nearby. This requires a
tremendous amount of killing. In June 2011, Brennan claimed: "There hasn't been a
single collateral death because of the exceptional proficiency, precision of
the capabilities we've been able to develop." He later, however, provided a statement to the New York Times that the newspaper said
"adjusted the wording of his earlier comment": "Fortunately, for
more than a year, due to our discretion and precision, the U.S. government has
not found credible evidence of collateral deaths resulting from U.S.
counterterrorism operations outside of Afghanistan or Iraq."
Brennan did not
clarify what constituted "credible evidence," but as Justin Elliott and I myself quickly pointed out,
there were many public reports -- from Pakistani and Yemeni reporters and
anonymous administration officials -- of civilians killed by U.S. drone
strikes. Either Brennan did not receive the same reports of civilian casualties
as other administration officials did (an implausible notion), he lacks
Internet access to read these anonymous comments (equally implausible because
Brennan closely responds to critics of targeted killings in his following media
appearances), or he was lying. Regardless, his belief in the infallibility of
the find-fix-finish cycle defies an understanding of the inherent flaws and
limitations of even the most precise uses of lethal force.
4. Yemenis
love U.S. drone strikes.
"Contrary
to conventional wisdom, we see little evidence that [drone strikes] are
generating widespread anti-American sentiment or recruits for AQAP. In fact, we
see the opposite: Our Yemeni partners are more eager to work with us.… In
short, targeted strikes against the most senior and most dangerous AQAP
terrorists are not the problem -- they are part of the
solution." ("U.S. Policy Toward Yemen," speech, Aug. 8, 2012)
Based on his
education and deployments with the CIA, Brennan is said to have a deep
knowledge of the Middle East; he speaks Arabic; and he enjoys contact with many
senior officials in foreign intelligence and interior ministries -- which
explains his de facto role as White House liaison to Yemen. As Brennan says, "I find the Arab world
a fascinating place."
Although he
might have unique insights into the Arab mind, actual Yemenis and journalists
reporting from the country (see here, here, andhere) say that Yemenis hate drones strikes. There is
also a strong correlation between targeted killings in Yemen since December
2009 -- primarily conducted by U.S. drones -- and increased anger toward the
United States and sympathy or allegiance to AQAP. In 2010, the
Obama administration described AQAP as "several hundred al Qaeda
members"; two years later, it increased to "more than a thousand
members." Now, AQAP has a "few thousand members." After a drone
strike reportedly killed 13 civilians in early September, Yemeni activist Nasr
Abdullah noted: "I would not be
surprised if a hundred tribesmen joined the lines of al Qaeda as a result of
the latest drone mistake." Let's hope Brennan and Abdullah can agree to
disagree.
5. U.S.
citizens are acceptable collateral damage.
Wallace: "Are
U.S. citizens in Yemen in danger?"
Brennan:
"We are doing everything possible to make sure that all U.S. citizens, as
well as Westerners and the Yemenis themselves, are protected from the scourge
of al Qaeda." (Fox News Sunday with Chris Wallace, Jan. 3, 2010)
According to the
State Department, five U.S. citizens have been killed in terrorist attacks in
Yemen: in December 2002 three hospital workers
by a lone gunman at a Baptist hospital in Jibla; in September 2008 one American (and 17
others) in an attack on the U.S. Embassy by seven assailants dressed in
government security-service uniforms; and this March one U.S. citizen in
Taiz, a murder that AQAP claimed responsibility for. These five Americans were
killed by various Islamist groups in brutal acts of terrorism, defined under U.S. law as "premeditated,
politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by
subnational groups or clandestine agents."
Over that same
period, four U.S. citizens were killed in Yemen by U.S. drones, only one of
them intentionally:
·
November 2002: Ahmed Hijazi (aka Kamal Derwish) was
killed while in an SUV by a CIA drone whose intended target was Abu Ali
al-Harithi. U.S. officials acknowledged that the CIA did not
know Hijazi was in the vehicle, though one later claimed his death was justifiable because he "was just in the
wrong place at the wrong time."
·
September 2011: Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan were
killed in a single attack, though Awlaki was the only target. Khan reportedlyproduced propaganda videos for
AQAP. Awlaki was a senior member of AQAP. Before his death, U.S. officials had described him as
"inspirational," "charismatic," and an "effective
communicator"; after his death, they described him as "the most operational affiliate," "very operational," and "the leader of external operations."
·
October 2011: Abdulrahman al-Awlaki, the 16-year-old
son of Anwar al-Awlaki, was killed by a drone along with a number of suspected
militants. U.S. officials initially fudged the details, saying that
he was in his mid-20s and of "military age." (In response, the Awlaki
family released his birth certificate, which shows he was born on
Aug. 26, 1995.) The State Department has refused to discuss or acknowledge his
death because it has "not received
confirmation of his death from the government of Yemen," though that has
never stopped U.S. officials before. Anonymous U.S. officials later stated, "The U.S. government
did not know that Mr. Awlaki's son was there."
Attorney General
Eric Holder argues that the Fifth Amendment right to due process is determined
solely by the executive branch and that only with "robust oversight"
can the United States target its citizens. Similarly, Brennan claimed that the Obama
administration engages in "additional review if the al Qaeda terrorist is
a U.S. citizen." None of these reviews mattered, however, for the three
U.S. citizens killed by U.S. drones who were not intended targets, but
collateral damage. At the same time, the United States has never provided
public evidence that they were involved with terrorist groups in Yemen.
6. Drones are
just a part of U.S. counterterrorism strategy.
"[Obama]
has insisted that our policy emphasize governance and development as much as
security and focus on a clear goal to facilitate a democratic transition while
helping Yemen advance political, economic, and security reforms so it can
support its citizens and counter AQAP.… This year alone, U.S. assistance to
Yemen is more than $337 million. Over half this money, $178 million, is for
political transition, humanitarian assistance, and development. Let me repeat
that. More than half of the assistance we provide to Yemen is for political
transition, humanitarian assistance, and development.… Any suggestion that our
policy toward Yemen is dominated by our security and counterterrorism efforts
is simply not true." ("U.S. Policy Toward Yemen," speech, Aug. 8, 2012)
There are a
couple of problems with Brennan's math. First, he excludes the vast costs of
maintaining the manned and unmanned aerial platforms, nearby naval assets, and
U.S. military targeters and trainers stationed in growing numbers at the
al-Anad Air Base. It also does not include the covert aid funneled to members
of President Abd Rabbuh Mansur al-Hadi's regime and others who support U.S.
interests in Yemen. Former President Ali Abdullah Saleh carefully manipulated
the presence of suspected international terrorists within his country in order
to maintain Western support crucial for his survival, and he reportedly received hundreds of
millions of dollars in covert assistance. Some Yemeni officials, analysts, and
journalists such as Sam Kimball now claim that under
Hadi, "the Yemeni government is fully aware of a number of al Qaeda cells
-- and their existence is tolerated and their crimes covered up."
Finally,
Brennan's boasts that U.S. civilian and military assistance is evenly split is
nothing new. Between 2007 and 2011, U.S. (overt) aid to Yemen was $642 million: $326
million in security assistance primarily for counterterrorism and border
security, and $316 million in civilian assistance for development and
humanitarian work. If this alleged 50-50 foreign aid to Yemen strategy led to
the collapse of the Saleh regime, widespread anti-American sentiment, and the
tripling of al Qaeda, why would it work this time around?
7. The United
States isn't involved in an insurgency in Yemen, or maybe it is.
"So while
we have aided Yemen, the Yemeni government, in building their capacity to deal
with an AQAP insurgency that exists on the ground there, we're not involved in
working with the Yemeni government in terms of direct action or lethal action
as part of that insurgency.… A lot of these, you know, Yemenis in [AQAP] are not
determined, you know, only to carry out attacks against the Americans wherever
they may be. A lot of them are trying to gain ground. And unlike in a place
like the FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas in Pakistan] or somewhere
else, they actually put up their flags, you know, controlling the territory.
You know, they're trying to unseat the government of Sanaa. So we're trying to
help the Yemenis, you know, thwart that insurgency and push it back because
that certainly is counter to our interests." ("U.S. Policy Toward Yemen," speech, Aug. 8, 2012)
This puzzling
contradiction gets to the faulty premise that underscores the low threshold for
who can be targeted by U.S. lethal force. Brennan initially claims, "We're
not involved" with lethal action against an insurgency, but, seconds
later, says, "We're trying to help the Yemenis … thwart that
insurgency." What exactly is the core mission of U.S. drone strikes: counterterrorism
or counterinsurgency? As is true in Pakistan, the vast majority of individuals
killed by U.S. drones were seeking to impose some degree of sharia law, fight a
defensive jihad against the security services of the central government, or
ultimately unseat what they perceived as an apostate regime running the
country.
After militants
were killed in a drone strike on Aug. 31, Reuters reported, citing a Yemeni Defense
Ministry without evidence: "The men were heavily armed, carrying machine
guns and explosives.… [They] were thought to have been on the way to carry out
an attack." Unless they were boarding a flight to the United States to conduct
this attack, they did not pose direct threats to the U.S. homeland, which is
the threshold Brennan has repeatedly stated. Nor did they meet the implausible
standard that Obama claimed in early September:
"Our goal has been to focus on al Qaeda and to focus narrowly on those who
would pose an imminent threat to the United States of America." So why would America bother to kill them?
Soon after Obama
entered office, Brennan proclaimed, "We will harness
perhaps our greatest asset of all -- the power of America's moral example.… We
will uphold the values of justice, liberty, dignity, and rule of law." It
would be hard to conceive of a U.S. moral example that the rest of the world
has so strongly rejected as targeted killings. In a Pew Global Attitudes
Project public opinion poll released in June, the
overwhelming majority of respondents opposed drone strikes, including those
among America's allies and partners: Greece (90 percent), Egypt (89
percent), Jordan (85 percent), Pakistan (83 percent), Turkey (81
percent), Spain (76 percent), Brazil (76 percent), and Japan (75 percent). The
same people, including Obama, Brennan, and Holder, who decried the Bush
administration for perverting America's morals for the detention and
questioning of suspected terrorists now implement and defend the practice of
how they are killed -- at seven times the rate that they were
killed under Bush.
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