By Wolf Richter
“Do you want Catalonia to
become a new state within the European Union?” That may be the question on the
referendum that is causing a constitutional crisis in Spain even before the
final wording has been decided.
Efforts by Artur Mas,
President of Catalonia, to pry his region loose from Spain are not only shaking
up Spain but are pushing the European Union deeper into the conflict—just as
Spain is plunging into a demographic nightmare.
A mass exodus. During the
first nine months of this year, the number of Spaniards who were looking for
the greener grass elsewhere jumped 21.6% from the same
period last year to 54,912. And 365,238 immigrants bailed out too, for a total
exodus of 420,150 people.
After taking into account
returning Spaniards and arriving immigrants, net migration added up to an
outflow of 137,628 people—25,539 Spaniards and 112,089 foreigners. It was the
first time that all 17 autonomous regions booked a net outflow of Spaniards.
And Spain’s total
population dropped by nearly 80,000 people! In nine months!
They left because things
simply keep getting worse. September was a bad month—for the lucky ones who
have jobs.
They experienced the steepest plunge in purchasing power in
27 years. Prices jumped 3.4% year over year, while wages rose only 1.3%. Unions
and employers had signed collective bargaining agreements earlier this year
that would freeze wages in 2012 and 2013. Average wages under these new agreements
rose only 0.7%—a harbinger of things to come.
This “internal
devaluation”—long a factor in many Western countries, including the US—has now
hit Spain. Over time, the workforce will become more competitive with cheap
countries, like China. Despite its insidious impact on the population (the
lucky ones who have jobs) and on consumption, internal devaluation is at the
core of all “structural reforms.”
Spain exists in a surrealist
new world: a debt crisis that is draining the central government and the autonomous
regions, a banking crisis, unpopular “structural reforms,” unemployment of over
25%, youth unemployment of over 50%, a recession, and a population that makes
its discontent known with often violent demonstrations.
So, 84% of the people have
“little” or “no” confidence in Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. The fate of
Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba, leader of the opposition, is even worse: 90% of all
voters distrust him! Those are the two top political figures of the two major
political parties, and the utterly frustrated and disillusioned Spaniards are
defenestrating them both [Punishment Of The
Spanish Political Class By The People].
This is the backdrop to
Catalonia’s strife for independence. It all came to the forefront on September
11. Between 600,000 and 1.5 million Catalans—8% to 20% of the
population!—angered by the stiff austerity measures that the central government
had imposed on their bankrupt region, protested in the streets, demanding
independence. Nobody could ignore that. And now, 74.1% of the Catalans support holding the referendum,
19.9% are against it, with 6% undecided. And over half of them would vote for
independence.
Like the Scotts, who were able
to negotiate an independence referendum with the British government, Artur Mas
wanted to negotiate the referendum with the Spanish government. Catalonia will
hold early elections on November 25, and Mas, who is expected to renew his
majority, was planning to hold the referendum during the next four years. But
Rajoy and his government were in no mood to negotiate. Instead, they promised
to lean on the Spanish Constitutional Court to get it to declare the referendum
unconstitutional.
Then the shot before the bow.
It would be a “crime,” declared Justice Minister Alberto
Ruiz-Gallardón, if Mas refused to stop calling for a referendum after the
Supreme Court declared it illegal—apparently, a crime of disobedience, as
defined by the Penal Code, punishable by up to a year in prison and
disqualification form public office by up to two years. María Dolores de
Cospedal, Secretary-General of the governing People’s Party, emphasized that
the government would use all “legal instruments at its disposal to prevent this
situation,” adding that “there are already mechanisms in place to stop the
referendum.”
The fear is enormous:
Catalonia’s independence “would do away with Spain, because Spain makes no
sense without Catalonia,” Gallardón lamented last week. The status of an
independent Catalonia with regards to the European Union is uncertain as well.
No rules exist to deal with the situation. As different officials say different
things, the European Commission is being pushed ever deeper into the conflict.
And it infuses the impending bailout of Spain with qualities of a Dali
painting.
Neither banks nor public
workers have ruined Spain, but politicians, a separate class born out of the
“Transition” from the Franco dictatorship to democracy. And the old power
structure is thriving under a new “democratic umbrella.” Read..... Spain’s Unfinished Transition From Dictatorship To
Democracy.
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