by George C. Leef
Frédéric Bastiat introduced one of the most important
concepts in political economy: “legal plunder,” the government’s forcible
extraction of wealth from the populace for the benefit of the ruling class.
French monarchs in Bastiat’s time sent out tax collectors to plunder the
people, most of whom understood perfectly that the king was robbing them to pay
for his extravagances and follies.
As Bastiat well knew,
democratic governments also engage in legal plunder, although it is obscured by
the myth that elected representatives do whatever is in the “public interest.”
Under democracy the people supposedly are the government and therefore all its
actions are justified. You certainly can’t steal from yourself.
Not so, declares Iain Murray
of the Competitive Enterprise Institute in his book Stealing You Blind.
Democracy is rife with legal plunder, Murray writes, and it’s no more justified
than if a gang of thugs were to rob you at gunpoint. Politicians long ago
figured out how to use government power to line their pockets, and special
interest groups long ago figured out that by backing the right politicians,
they could get far more wealth out of the public treasury than they could get
through production and trade. As a result, Americans are heavily taxed to
support “a new leisure class” that produces little or no value. It’s like
having a huge tapeworm in your gut, feeding parasitically off the food you work
to buy.
Much of the book consists of
recent and infuriating instances of legal plunder, and that is why it is so
effective. The stories Murray tells are memorable because they make you angry.
For example, consider Bell, California: The city manager of this small, poor
town, along with his cronies, managed to stack the city council with their
friends, who voted to give them astronomical salaries. The city manager, Robert
Rizzo, was pulling in a salary of nearly $800,000 per year. Did he produce that
much in value for the taxpayers? Of course not. He probably couldn’t have
earned a tenth of that in voluntary exchange with people in Bell, but his
ability to manipulate democracy enabled him to live like a king.
Murray quotes the defensive
statements he and his highly paid subordinates made when they were caught. The
arrogance will make you see red. After years of living it up at public expense,
Rizzo and his comrades were arrested and charged with crimes including fraud
and breach of fiduciary duty. No matter how that litigation turns out, the
taxpayers won’t get much if any of their money back, although Rizzo’s city
pension was reduced to a mere $100,000 annually.
Is Bell an anomaly? No. Murray
shows that such plunder is widespread, although often less blatant. Some of the
worst legal plunder is done by government employee unions. Union officials have
mastered the art of electing compliant politicians who are indebted to them for
their campaign support. So when it comes to bargaining over the terms of the
contract, they are in effect in control of both sides of the table. As a result
compensation for government workers is now significantly higher than for
comparable workers in the private sector. That is contrary to the cultivated myth
that when people go into “public service” they’re making a financial sacrifice.
Moreover the lofty
compensation for government employees is only half the problem. As Murray
shows, discipline is often lax in government work, so “workers” can get away
with a lot of loafing.
Murray devotes considerable
space to documenting how we are plundered by the government’s education
establishment. Teachers are paid handsomely whether or not their students make
any academic progress, and the gigantic mass of administrative personnel drives
the cost far higher. Murray correctly says that “an astonishing amount of money
in public education budgets doesn’t go to educators, it goes to turf-protecting
bureaucrats. . . .” Decades of government profligacy have driven city and state
budgets into the red, but administrators can be counted on to cut spending on
things that have some actual educational benefit (music classes, libraries, and
so on) while preserving every dollar for the bloated administration.
By the time you’ve gotten to
Murray’s final chapter, you’ll be convinced that taxpayers are in fact being
robbed blind. What is to be done? Murray offers a number of sensible, if
well-known ideas, including abolishing many federal departments that are havens
for legal plunder (Education, Labor, Energy), ending labor union privileges and
corporate welfare, and privatizing government functions wherever possible. He
also suggests some that aren’t so familiar, such as ending government research
grants (many of which involve enormous waste) and instead offering prizes for
results, though of course these would be tax-financed.
Nothing will happen, however,
until the taxpayers realize how badly they’re being plundered and get angry. This book will do much in that regard.
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