By Robert J. Samuelson
What we heard in the second presidential debate was
President Obama and Mitt Romney not discussing the nation’s future. Almost
every expert agrees that controlling health costs is the crux of curing chronic
budget deficits. Health-care spending already exceeds a quarter of federal
outlays. With Obamacare’s coverage of the uninsured starting in 2014 and
retiring baby boomers flooding into Medicare, the share is headed toward a
third. Neither Obama nor Romney uttered a word about how to tame health
spending.
And then there’s the “fiscal cliff” — the roughly $600
billion of spending cuts and tax increases scheduled for early 2013 that, if
allowed to take effect, would almost certainly plunge the economy back into
recession. Not a peep from either on how to avoid the cliff: which tax
increases or spending cuts should be postponed, why and for how long; and how
to win congressional support from the other party.
Obama said that Romney’s budget math didn’t add up and
that he had proposed spending cuts for only two programs, Big Bird (presumably
public broadcasting) and Planned Parenthood. True. Romney promises to balance
the budget, raise defense spending and cut taxes for some unidentified part of
the middle class. All of this can’t be done without massive as-yet-unspecified
— and probably politically impossible — spending cuts.
But wait. The two programs
that Romney offered for cuts were actually two more than Obama suggested. And
Obama’s budget never balances.
The administration’s latest projections foresee $6.4 trillion worth of deficits
between 2013 and 2022; in 2022, the expected deficit is $652 billion, 2.6
percent of the economy (gross domestic product). Even these forecasts rest on
fairly optimistic economic assumptions. From 2014 to 2017, GDP is projected to
grow about 4 percent a year, roughly double the current rate of expansion. The
forecast assumes no recession between now and 2022.
Romney did mention, almost in
passing, that he would reform Social Security and Medicare. Changes could yield
huge savings, because these programs cost $1.2 trillion in fiscal 2012, a third
of all federal spending. But Romney didn’t specify how he would alter Social
Security, and his controversial Medicare proposal wouldn’t start until 2022 —
after a two-term President Romney would already have left office.
Still, Obama didn’t even
mention these programs. The president has been content to imply that raising
taxes on the “rich,” defined as couples with incomes exceeding $250,000, would
cure most of the deficit problem. That’s not true.
Obama and Romney can evade
these unpleasant and unpopular subjects now, but the victor won’t be able to
avoid them after the election. How the fiscal cliff is handled (or mishandled)
almost certainly represents the single most important federal policy affecting
the economy’s near-term prospects. Nor will large deficits miraculously vanish
even if the recovery continues and strengthens.
Americans face a rude
awakening: a future that hasn’t been acknowledged and debated in the campaign.
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