Spring is
over in Egypt
Clashes erupt and political offices aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood are burned in response to President Mohamed Morsi's decree to free his office from judicial oversight
By
Jeffrey Fleishman and Reem Abdellatif
Clashes
erupted across Egypt over President Mohamed Morsi's decree expanding his
authority, a move that sharpened lines between Islamists and those who fear the
president is stealing power in order to edge the country closer to Islamic law.
Offices of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and
Justice Party, which Morsi headed before he became president, were set ablaze
Friday in Alexandria and reportedly in Suez and Port Said. Pro- and anti-Morsi
demonstrators battled in Cairo and towns in the south.
The unrest highlighted the anger arising from Morsi's
decision Thursday to sidestep the courts and free his office of judicial
oversight. With no new constitution or parliament, the president holds wide
executive and legislative authority that has led his detractors to call him a
pharaoh.
Morsi's decree troubled Western capitals, including
Washington, which praised him this week for Egypt's pivotal role in negotiating
a cease-fire between Hamas and Israel in the Gaza Strip. A State Department spokeswoman said Morsi's recent move "raises
concerns for many Egyptians and the international community."
The Egyptian state news agency reported that at least
140 people were injured in melees. As night fell, plumes of smoke and streaks
of tear gas drifted over several cities as protesters hunkered and new banners
were unfurled in what suggested the stirrings of a new revolt. Twenty-six
political movements called for a weeklong sit-in in Cairo's Tahrir Square.
Riot police swinging batons chased rock-throwing
youths on side streets adjoining Tahrir, where thousands of protesters
gathered, led by Nobel peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei and other opposition figures. Miles away in north
Cairo, thousands of members of the Muslim Brotherhood and other Morsi
supporters demonstrated at the presidential palace.
"What I am working to achieve is political and
economic stability. This is what I want," Morsi told his followers at the
palace. "I am not worried about the presence of opposition. I am careful
to allow a strong opposition that will strictly monitor me. My decisions were
aimed at preserving our nation, our people, and the revolution."
Morsi and the once-outlawed Brotherhood appear to
understand that their credibility will suffer if the economy doesn't improve
and jobs are not provided. But overall, the Islamists are perplexed over how to
ensure that Egypt becomes a more religious state while also governing of nation
of 82 million people that after 30 years of autocratic rule by President Hosni Mubarak are demanding rights and freedoms.
Morsi, who was elected in June after last year's
overthrow of Mubarak, is seeking to weaken the courts and sideline Mubarak-era
judges he says have disrupted the transition to democracy. The Supreme
Constitutional Court this year dissolved the Islamist-led parliament and may
yet disband the assembly that is drafting a new constitution.
That body, which is expected to deliver a finished
document in December, is also dominated by Islamists. Morsi's decree
essentially grants it immunity from court decisions, infuriating secularists,
liberals and Christians who have resigned from the assembly in recent weeks
over accusations that it is too heavily influenced by sharia, or Islamic law.
"I don't like, and don't want, and there is no
need, to use exceptional measures," Morsi said. He hinted that members of
the judiciary and Mubarak-era officials "are gnawing the bones of the nation"
and they "must be held accountable."
The president attempted to make his decree palatable
by firing Prosecutor-General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud, a Mubarak appointee who has
been widely reviled for not aggressively prosecuting members of the old regime.
Mahmoud, whom Morsi tried unsuccessfully to remove last month, told Egyptian
media Friday that he would fight the decision.
Morsi also called for Mubarak and other former
officials to face new trials in the deaths of hundreds of protesters killed
during the revolution. Mubarak is serving life in prison for complicity in the
killings, but many Egyptians believe the sentence is not severe enough. Violent
protests this week broke out over complaints that too few former police and
security forces had been tried.
The president's strategy did not persuade protesters
in Tahrir.
"The state is crumbling. The law is being
completely sidestepped. We are now a lawless country," said protester
Nermin Tahoon. "Morsi disguised the revolution's demands into a twisted
package so he could assume all power. Since when was he a revolutionary? He's
barely a reformist. He simply wants power for him and his followers."
The deepening political divisions come amid a sense of
rage and disillusionment that the country is not moving forward after the
uprising that toppled Mubarak. The mood has been further soured by pervasive
social and economic problems that have strained Morsi's inexperienced
government, even as he emerged as a hero of sorts over the Hamas-Israel
cease-fire deal.
Egypt is seeking billions of dollars in foreign
investment, but months of turmoil have not helped its case. Morsi has long
claimed the mantle as one of the revolution's leaders, but these days he is
regarded by activists and liberals as possessing the same urge for political
dominance as Mubarak.
"How is Morsi different from Mubarak?" said
young men hurling rocks and dodging tear gas canisters on streets leading to
Tahrir Square.
The president lacks the charisma to sway his
detractors, who, according to the election that brought him to power, make up
about 50% of the country. Secularists and liberals view the moves by Morsi and
the Brotherhood as blatant attempts to silence the opposition, curtail civil
rights and turn Egypt into a state heavily influenced by Islamic law.
The protest turnout Friday was significantly larger
than for recent demonstrations. The question is whether the notoriously divided
opposition can sustain momentum. There is also danger that protests could turn
violent, notably from unemployed young men and die-hard soccer fans, known as
Ultras, who have become the shock troops in battles against police.
Samar Seada, a chic woman, sat with her family at the
edge of street clashes near Tahrir Square. She said that Morsi was shortsighted
and could not fix all that needed to be fixed.
"He simply works for the best interests of his
followers, the Muslim Brotherhood," she said. "We are no stronger
than before. We won't let him consolidate his power. We are willing to
sacrifice now more than before so that our children can live."
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