Forget
about that dead parrot of a question – should we join the eurozone? The
eurozone has officially joined us in a newly emerging international
organisation: we are all now members of the Permanent No-growth Club. And the
United States has just re-elected a president who seems determined to sign up
too. No government in what used to be called “the free world” seems prepared to
take the steps that can stop this inexorable decline. They are all busily
telling their electorates that austerity is for other people (France), or that
the piddling attempts they have made at it will solve the problem (Britain), or
that taxing “the rich” will make it unnecessary for government to cut back its
own spending (America).
So here we
all are. Like us, the member nations of the European single currency have
embarked on their very own double (or is it triple?) dip recession. This is the
future: the long, meandering “zig-zag” recovery to which the politicians and
heads of central banks allude is just a euphemism for the end of economic life
as we have known it.
Now there
are some people for whom this will not sound like bad news. Many on the Left
will finally have got the economy of their dreams – or, rather, the one they
have always believed in. At last, we will be living with that fixed, unchanging
pie which must be divided up “fairly” if social justice is to be achieved.
Instead of a dynamic, growing pot of wealth and ever-increasing resources,
which can enable larger and larger proportions of the population to become
prosperous without taking anything away from any other group, there will indeed
be an absolute limit on the amount of capital circulating within the society.
The only
decisions to be made will involve how that given, unalterable sum is to be
shared out – and those judgments will, of course, have to be made by the state
since there will be no dynamic economic force outside of government to enter
the equation. Wealth distribution will be the principal – virtually the only –
significant function of political life. Is this Left-wing heaven?
Well, not
quite. The total absence of economic growth would mean that the limitations on
that distribution would be so severe as to require draconian legal enforcement:
rationing, limits on the amount of currency that can be taken abroad, import
restrictions and the kinds of penalties for economic crimes (undercutting, or
“black market” selling practices) which have been unknown in the West since the
end of the Second World War.
In this
dystopian future there would have to be permanent austerity programmes. This
would not only mean cutting government spending, which is what “austerity”
means now, but the real kind: genuine falls in the standard of living of most
working people, caused not just by frozen wages and the collapse in the value
of savings (due to repeated bouts of money-printing), but also by the shortages
of goods that will result from lack of investment and business expansion, not
to mention the absence of cheaper goods from abroad due to import controls.
And it is
not just day-to-day life that would be affected by the absence of growth in the
economy. In the longer term, we can say good-bye to the technological
innovations which have been spurred by competitive entrepreneurial activity,
the medical advances funded by investment which an expanding economy can
afford, and most poignantly perhaps, the social mobility that is made possible
by increasing the reach of prosperity so that it includes ever-growing numbers
of people. In short, almost everything we have come to understand as progress.
Farewell to all that. But this is not the end of it. When the economy of a
country is dead, and its political life is consumed by artificial mechanisms of
forced distribution, its wealth does not remain static: it actually contracts
and diminishes in value. If capital cannot grow – if there is no possibility of
it growing – it becomes worthless in international exchange. This is what
happened to the currencies of the Eastern bloc: they became phoney constructs
with no value outside their own closed, recycled system.
When
Germany was reunified, the Western half, in an act of almost superhuman
political goodwill, arbitrarily declared the currency of the Eastern half to be
equal in value to that of its own hugely successful one. The exercise nearly
bankrupted the country, so great was the disparity between the vital, expanding
Deutschemark and the risibly meaningless Ostmark which, like the Soviet ruble,
had no economic legitimacy in the outside world.
At least
then, there was a thriving West that could rescue the peoples of the East from the
endless poverty of economies that were forbidden to grow by ideological edict.
It remains to be seen what the consequences will be of the whole of the West,
America included, falling into the economic black hole of permanent no-growth.
Presumably, it will eventually have to move towards precisely the social and
political structures that the East employed. As the fixed pot of national
wealth loses ever more value, and resources shrink, the measures to enforce
“fair” distribution must become more totalitarian: there will have to be
confiscatory taxation on assets and property, collectivisation of the
production of goods, and directed labour.
Democratic
socialism with its “soft redistribution” and exponential growth of government
spending will have paved the way for the hard redistribution of diminished
resources under economic dictatorship. You think this sounds fanciful? It is
just the logical conclusion of what will seem like enlightened social policy in
a zero-growth society where hardship will need to be minimised by rigorously
enforced equality. Then what? The rioting we see now in Italy and Greece –
countries that had to have their democratic governments surgically removed in
order to impose the uniform levels of poverty that are made necessary by dead
economies – will spread throughout the West, and have to be contained by
hard-fisted governments with or without democratic mandates. Political parties
of all complexions talk of “balanced solutions”, which they think will sound
more politically palatable than drastic cuts in public spending: tax rises on
“the better-off” (the only people in a position to create real wealth) are put
on the moral scale alongside “welfare cuts” on the unproductive.
This is
not even a recipe for standing still: tax rises prevent growth and job
creation, as well as reducing tax revenue. It is a formula for permanent
decline in the private sector and endless austerity in the public one. But
reduced government spending accompanied by tax cuts (particularly on employment
– what the Americans call “payroll taxes”) could stimulate the growth of new
wealth and begin a recovery. Most politicians on the Right understand this.
They have about five minutes left to make the argument for it.
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