By Matthew
Dalton
By most measures,
Greece’s economy is in worse shape than Spain’s. Greece has been largely shut
off from financial markets for more than two years; yields on its bonds are
still sky high. Gross domestic product has fallen nearly 20% over the previous
three years. Spain can still borrow from private investors, and its GDP has
fallen around 5% during the crisis.
But if you take forecasts from the
European Commission seriously, Greece enjoys one formidable advantage over
Spain: Its economy is running well below capacity, while the Spanish economy,
despite an unemployment rate around 25%, is operating relatively close to full
steam.
Why is that an
advantage? According to the commission, it means that the Greek unemployment
rate should fall sharply if the economy starts to recover again, without
causing inflation. Spain faces a much more difficult situation. If the
structure of its labor market doesn’t change, the commission’s analysis
suggests that a nascent economic recovery in Spain could be hampered by labor shortages that
would spark wage inflation.
Seems like a
strange thing to believe for a country with 25% of its workforce sitting idle.
How can this be?
The reason is the
commission’s view of the Spanish labor market. During the previous decade, the
Spanish unemployment rate dropped sharply as millions of Spaniards found work
in the booming Spanish real estate sector.
But the bubble has
burst, probably for good. This means, according to the commission’s
analysis, that millions of Spaniards need to be retrained to do
non-real-estate-bubble-related jobs. In the meantime, their labor won’t be
available to do the new jobs that will drive Spanish growth in the future.
Greece faces
similar problems, but they are less serious, according to the commission’s
analysis. Yes, the “government-borrows-money-and funds-consumption” model of
growth won’t be available to Greece anymore. But it didn’t endure the same
private-sector credit bubble that hit Spain during the previous decade.
The differences
between Greece and Spain can be seen in several economic metrics published by
the commission. There is the output gap, or the difference between actual GDP
and potential GDP (as a percentage of potential GDP). The figure is a whopping
13% for Greece but just 4.6% for Spain.
Then take a look
at the commission’s estimates of the so-called non-accelerating wage rate of
unemployment (NAWRU) in Greece and Spain. This is the unemployment rate below
which the commission believes the inflation rate starts to rise. It’s also
known as the “natural rate” of unemployment. The natural unemployment rate for
Greece is around 14.8%; it is 21.5% for Spain. This despite unemployment rates
around 25% in both countries.
These numbers
speak to the depth of the structural transformation that the commission
believes Spain must endure before it can return to sustainable,
non-inflationary growth.
Of course, neither
the “natural” unemployment rate nor the output gap are directly observable
figures. They are estimates made by economists to help central bankers and
finance ministry officials figure out whether economies are close to becoming
inflationary. So maybe the commission’s estimates are incorrect.
In fact, there is considerable
disagreement over the commission’s view of the U.S. economy:
It sees the natural U.S. unemployment rate at 7.8%. Not even the most hawkish
members of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors believe the natural rate is
much over 6%.
The problem is
that European policymakers are now relying on these estimates more than ever
before to draft national budgets. They are giving more weight to the
“structural balance” – that’s the actual government balance accounting for the
size of the output gap, the “natural unemployment rate” and the general
strength of the economy.
Spain’s structural
budget deficit is somewhat smaller than its actual deficit (6.3% of GDP vs.
8%), because of the country’s weak economy. But most of the deficit is still
“structural,” according to the commission, a disturbing thought in a country
where 25% of the workforce is unemployed.
And because the
euro zone’s new “Fiscal Pact” requires countries to bring their structural
deficits under 0.5% of GDP, Spain still has a lot of government austerity to
endure before the cutting is done.
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