by Mario Rizzo
There is an interesting interview with Ed Feulner, the
outgoing president of the Heritage Foundation, in the weekend (Dec. 8-9) Wall Street Journal. The interview got me thinking about the progress
made in the pro-economic-liberty cause, not only over the years of Heritage,
but since, say, 1960. I choose this year deliberately because it was the
year I became aware, as an almost-teenager, of the interconnection between
politics (Nixon-Kennedy) and the economy (inflation and
unemployment). I soon afterwards read Henry Hazlitt’s Economics
in One Lesson.
What has changed since 1960 with regard to economic
liberty? From an intellectual perspective, so many more people are
aware of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek and non-Keynesian economic
thought. Milton Friedman spread his ideas about market-oriented economic
policy. Thanks originally to James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, we know
again about public choice and rent seeking. (Somehow intellectuals had
forgotten the lessons taught by James Madison and others.) Most economists are,
at long last, convinced that Mises and Hayek were broadly correct about
socialist calculation.
And yet government is more involved in more aspects of
the economy, by far, than in 1960.
Oh yes, I am aware of the argument (cited by Feulner)
that the “pie” has grown larger so although the state’s take is greater we have
more absolutely left over. First, the appropriate measure is not taxation – but
spending. (As Friedman taught us.) Second, but even by the pie measure federal
spending is now about 25% of GDP and total government spending is about 40% of
GDP. This is far higher than in 1960. Third, there are also many more
interventions – regulations – beyond taxation. Fourth, I do not count my freedom in
terms of my command over material goods.
What should we conclude from this? There is a wedge
between what economists understand about the world and what policymakers do.
Furthermore, when we ask whether “ideas matter” we are not being precise.
Ideas about what? Policymakers do not have a prima facie incentive to
pursue the “general interest.” Policymakers do respond to ideas – ideas
about what will benefit their particular constituencies. The general
interest has few representatives.
To make a long story short: I believe that
intellectuals (including economists) need to be more ideological, not less.
They ought to convince the general public to think in terms of big issues
and big decisions. The idea of evaluating each issue on its own merits is
profoundly unscientific as Herbert Spencer taught. Slippery slope mechanisms
are all around us. When people begin to think of specific, narrow policies they
cannot help but think in terms of their own particular interests.
It is not enough to win the battle for ideas among
intellectuals. We must win in a way that makes a practical difference. Showing
the limitations of case-by-case analysis of policy is important. The special
interests do not care about the damage done to the general welfare. We must
instruct the public that policies that benefit their own particular interests
do and will generate policies that hurt them. There truly is no free
lunch.
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