In 2007, Keith John Sampson, a middle-aged student working his way through
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis as a janitor, was declared
guilty of racial harassment. Without granting Sampson a hearing, the university
administration — acting as prosecutor, judge and jury — convicted him of
“openly reading [a] book related to a historically and racially abhorrent
subject.”
“Openly.” “Related to.” Good grief.
The book, “Notre Dame vs. the Klan,” celebrated the 1924 defeat of the Ku Klux Klan in a
fight with Notre Dame students. But some of Sampson’s co-workers disliked the
book’s cover, which featured a black-and-white photograph of a Klan rally.
Someone was offended, therefore someone else must be guilty of
harassment.
This non sequitur reflects the right never to be
annoyed, a new campus entitlement. Legions of administrators, who now outnumber full-time faculty, are kept busy
making students mind their manners, with good manners understood as conformity
to liberal politics.
Liberals are most concentrated and untrammeled on
campuses, so look there for evidence of what, given the opportunity, they would
do to America. Ample evidence is in “Unlearning Liberty:
Campus Censorship and the End of American Debate” by Greg Lukianoff, 38, a graduate of Stanford Law School who describes
himself as a liberal, pro-choice, pro-gay rights, lifelong Democrat who belongs
to “the notoriously politically correct Park Slope Food Co-Op in Brooklyn” and
has never voted for a Republican “nor do I plan to.” But as president of the Foundation for Individual
Rights in Education (FIRE), he
knows that the most common justifications for liberal censorship are
“sensitivity” about “diversity” and “multiculturalism,” as academic liberals
understand those things.
In recent years, a University of Oklahoma vice president has declared that no university resources,
including e-mail, could be used for “the
forwarding of political humor/commentary.” The College at Brockport in New York banned using the Internet to “annoy or otherwise
inconvenience” anyone. Rhode Island College prohibited, among many other things, certain
“attitudes.” Texas Southern University’s comprehensive proscriptions included “verbal harm”
from damaging “assumptions” or “implications.” Texas A&M promised “freedom from indignity of any type.” Davidson banned “patronizing remarks.” Drexel Universityforbade “inappropriately directed laughter.” Western Michigan University banned “sexism,” including “the perception” of a
person “not as an individual, but as a member of a category based on sex.”
Banning “perceptions” must provide full employment for the burgeoning ranks of
academic administrators.
Many campuses congratulate themselves on their
broad-mindedness when they establish small “free-speech zones” where political advocacy can be scheduled. At
one point Texas Tech’s 28,000 students had a “free-speech gazebo” that was 20 feet wide. And you thought the First
Amendment made America a free-speech zone.
At Tufts, a conservative newspaper committed “harassment” by
printing accurate quotations from the Koran and a verified fact about the
status of women in Saudi Arabia. Lukianoff says that Tufts may have been the
first American institution “to find someone guilty of harassment for stating
verifiable facts directed at no one in particular.”
He documents how “orientation” programs for freshmen
become propaganda to (in the words of one orthodoxy enforcer) “leave a mental
footprint on their consciousness.” Faculty, too, can face mandatory
consciousness-raising.
In 2007, Donald Hindley, a politics professor at Brandeis, was found guilty
of harassment because when teaching Latin American politics he explained the
origin of the word “wetbacks,” which refers to immigrants crossing the Rio
Grande. Without a hearing, the university provost sent Hindley a letter stating
that the university “will not tolerate inappropriate, racial and discriminatory
conduct.” The assistant provost was assigned to monitor Hindley’s classes “to
ensure that you do not engage in further violations of the nondiscrimination
and harassment policy.” Hindley was required to attend “anti-discrimination
training.”
Such coercion is a natural augmentation of censorship.
Next comes mob rule. Last year, at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the vice provost for diversity and climate — really;
you can’t make this stuff up — encouraged students to disrupt a news conference
by a speaker opposed to racial preferences. They did, which the vice provost
called “awesome.” This is the climate on an especially liberal campus that
celebrates “diversity” in everything but thought.
“What happens on campus,” Lukianoff says, “doesn’t
stay on campus” because censorship has “downstream effects.” He quotes a
sociologist whose data he says demonstrate that “those with the highest levels
of education have the lowest exposure to people with
conflicting points of view.” This encourages “the human tendency to live within
our own echo chambers.” Parents’ tuition dollars and student indebtedness pay
for this. Good grief.
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