I shall leave it to others to argue the legal and constitutional
questions surrounding drones, but they are not without practical application.
For the past couple of years, Janet Napolitano, the Secretary of Homeland
Security, has had Predator drones patrolling the U.S. border. No, silly, not
the southern border. The northern one. You gotta be able to prioritize, right?
At Derby Line, Vt., the international frontier runs through the middle of the
town library and its second-floor opera house. If memory serves, the stage and
the best seats are in Canada, but the concession stand and the cheap seats are
in America. Despite the zealots of Homeland Security's best efforts at
afflicting residents of this cross-border community with ever more obstacles to
daily life, I don't recall seeing any Predator drones hovering over Non-Fiction
E-L. But, if there are, I'm sure they're entirely capable of identifying which
delinquent borrower is a Quebecer and which a Vermonter before dispatching a
Hellfire missile to vaporize him in front of the Large Print Romance shelves.
I'm a long, long way from Rand Paul's view of the world (I'm basically a 19th century imperialist a hundred years past sell-by date), but I'm far from sanguine about America's drone fever. For all its advantages to this administration – no awkward prisoners to be housed at Gitmo, no military casualties for the evening news – the unheard, unseen, unmanned drone raining down death from the skies confirms for those on the receiving end al-Qaida's critique of its enemies: as they see it, we have the best technology and the worst will; we choose aerial assassination and its attendant collateral damage because we are risk-averse, and so remote, antiseptic, long-distance, computer-programmed warfare is all that we can bear. Our technological strength betrays our psychological weakness.
I'm a long, long way from Rand Paul's view of the world (I'm basically a 19th century imperialist a hundred years past sell-by date), but I'm far from sanguine about America's drone fever. For all its advantages to this administration – no awkward prisoners to be housed at Gitmo, no military casualties for the evening news – the unheard, unseen, unmanned drone raining down death from the skies confirms for those on the receiving end al-Qaida's critique of its enemies: as they see it, we have the best technology and the worst will; we choose aerial assassination and its attendant collateral damage because we are risk-averse, and so remote, antiseptic, long-distance, computer-programmed warfare is all that we can bear. Our technological strength betrays our psychological weakness.
And, in a certain sense, they're right: Afghanistan is winding down, at
best, to join the long list of America's unwon wars, in which, 48 hours after
departure, there will be no trace that we were ever there. The guys with drones
are losing to the guys with fertilizer – because they mean it, and we don't.
The drone thus has come to symbolize the central defect of America's "war
on terror," which is that it's all means and no end: We're fighting the
symptoms rather than the cause.
For a
war without strategic purpose, a drone'll do. Anwar al-Awlaki, an American
citizen born in New Mexico, was whacked by a Predator not on a battlefield but
after an apparently convivial lunch at a favorite Yemeni restaurant. Two weeks
later, al-Awlaki's son Abdulrahman was dining on the terrace of another local
eatery when the CIA served him the old Hellfire Special and he wound up
splattered all over the patio. Abdulrahman was 16, and born in Denver. As I
understand it, the Supreme Court has ruled that American minors, convicted of
the most heinous crimes, cannot be executed. But you can gaily atomize them
halfway round the planet. My brief experience of Yemeni restaurants was not a
happy one but, granted that, I couldn't honestly say they met any recognized
definition of a "battlefield."
Al-Awlaki
Junior seems to have been your average anti-American teen. Al-Awlaki Senior was
an al-Qaida ideologue and a supposed "spiritual mentor" to everyone
from the 9/11 murderers to the Fort Hood killer and the thwarted Pantybomber.
On the other hand, after September 11th, he was invited to lunch at the
Pentagon, became the first imam to conduct a prayer service at the U.S.
Congress, and was hailed by NPR as an exemplar of an American "Muslim
leader who could help build bridges between Islam and the West." The
precise point at which he changed from American bridge-builder to Yemeni
restaurant takeout is hard to determine. His public utterances when he was
being feted by the New York Times are far more benign than those of, say,
Samira Ibrahim, who was scheduled to receive a "Woman of Courage"
award from Michelle Obama and John Kerry on Friday until an unfortunate flap
erupted over some ill-phrased Tweets from the courageous lass rejoicing on the
anniversary of 9/11 that she loved to see "America burning." The same
bureaucracy that booked Samira Ibrahim for an audience with the First Lady and
Anwar al-Awlaki to host prayers at the Capitol now assures you that it's
entirely capable of determining who needs to be zapped by a drone between the
sea bass and the tiramisu at Ahmed's Bar and Grill. But it's precisely because
the government is too craven to stray beyond technological warfare and take on
its enemies ideologically that it winds up booking the First Lady to hand out
awards to a Jew-loathing, Hitler-quoting, terrorist-supporting America-hater.
Insofar
as it relieves Washington of the need to think strategically about the nature
of the enemy, the drone is part of the problem. But its technology is too
convenient a gift for government to forswear at home. America takes an
ever-more expansive view of police power, and, while the notion of unmanned
drones patrolling the heartland may seem absurd, lots of things that seemed
absurd a mere 15 years ago are now a routine feature of life. Not so long ago,
it would have seemed not just absurd but repugnant and un-American to suggest
that the state ought to have the power to fondle the crotch of a 7-year old
boy, without probable cause, before permitting him to board an airplane. Yet it
happened, and became accepted and is unlikely ever to be reversed.
Americans
now accept the right of minor bureaucrats to collect all kinds of information
for vast computerized federal databases, from answers on gun ownership for
centralized "medical records" to answers on "dwelling
arrangements" for nationalized "education records." With
paperwork comes regulation, and with regulation comes enforcement. We have
advanced from the paramilitarization of the police to the paramilitarization of
the Bureau of Form-Filling. Two years ago in this space, I noted that the
Secretary of Education, who doesn't employ a single teacher, is the only
education minister in the developed world with his own SWAT team: He used it to
send 15 officers to kick down a door in Stockton, Calif., drag Kenneth Wright
out on to the front lawn, and put him in handcuffs for six hours. Erroneously,
as it turned out. But it was in connection with his estranged wife's suspected
fraudulent student-loan application, so you can't be too careful. That the
education bureaucracy of the Brokest Nation in History has its own SEAL Team
Six is ridiculous and offensive. Yet the citizenry don't find it so: they
accept it.
The
federal government operates a Railroad Retirement Board to administer benefits to
elderly Pullman porters: for some reason, the RRB likewise has its own armed
agents ready to rappel down the walls of the Sunset Caboose retirement home. I
see my old friend David Frum thinks concerns over drones are
"far-fetched." If it's not "far-fetched" for the Education
Secretary to have his own SWAT team, why would it be "far-fetched"
for the Education Secretary to have his own drone fleet?
Do you
remember the way it was before the "war on terror"? Back in the
Nineties, everyone was worried about militias and survivalists, who lived in
what were invariably described as "compounds," and not in the
Kennedys-at-Hyannis sense. And, every so often, one of these compound-dwellers
would find himself besieged by a great tide of federal alphabet soup, agents
from the DEA, ATF, FBI and maybe even RRB. There was a guy named Randy Weaver,
who lost his wife, son and dog to the guns of federal agents, was charged and
acquitted in the murder of a deputy marshal and wound up getting a multimillion
dollar settlement from the Department of Justice. Before he zipped his lips on
grounds of self-incrimination, the man who wounded Weaver and killed his wife,
an FBI agent named Lon Horiuchi, testified that he opened fire because he
thought the Weavers were about to fire on a surveillance helicopter. When you
consider the resources brought to bear against a nobody like Randy Weaver for
no rational purpose, is it really so "far-fetched" to foresee the
Department of Justice deploying drones to the Ruby Ridges and Wacos of the 2020s?
I
mention in my book that government is increasingly comfortable with a view of
society as a giant "Pan-opticon" – the radial prison devised by
Jeremy Bentham in 1785, in which the authorities can see everyone and
everything. In the Droneworld we have built for the "war on terror,"
we can't see the forest because we're busy tracking every spindly sapling. When
the same philosophy is applied on the home front, it will not be pretty.
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