America has now hurtled past the dependency tipping point
It’s been a week
of sober reflection, accompanied by a self-imposed news fast, during which I’ve
struggled to understand the deeper meaning of our recent electoral catastrophe.
Doing so undistracted by a thousand voices required strict electronic
disengagement. I recommend this as one would take a purgative after eating a
batch of bad oysters.
Many of us of the
libertarian persuasion who had never previously voted Republican made an
exception this time because the stakes were so high. In a purposeful departure
from our usual “pox on both their houses” approach, we waded into the
partisan fray naively believing we could make a difference, ignoring the stink
on those with whom we made common cause simply because the alternative was so
much worse.
All for naught.
After approaching it for decades, America has now hurtled past the dependency
tipping point. We have scrapped the last vestiges of our constitutionally
limited republic of strictly enumerated powers and replaced it with an
unconstrained entitlement democracy neither better nor worse than any of the
others whose failures have dotted the course of history—all over weighty issues
such as who should pay for condoms.
Heeding the
cry, Forward!, an electoral majority happily voted for
itself unlimited benefits that will supposedly be paid for by a productive
minority—even as the nation careens toward bankruptcy and said productive
minority starts eyeing the exits. With demographic changes reinforcing a
permanent ethnic tribalism that abjures the melting pot, the likelihood that
our country will ever recover its founding values has vanished as thoroughly as
our respect for the dead white men who pledged their lives, their fortunes, and
their sacred honor to make our way of life possible.
So be it. Mourn,
if you choose. But when you’re done you still have to pay the rent.
Making one’s way
in a country increasingly falling under the spell of slogans used so
effectively by Vladimir Lenin and his fellow travelers requires a new strategy,
lest one fall into chronic despair. This is necessary because nothing is worse
than becoming that one species of ideologue that no one can abide—a bore.
What should that
new strategy be?
I searched for the
answer as I reassessed my own mission as an opinion columnist. Today, that is a
calling, not a true profession. The going rate for opinion pieces has dropped
from $1.50 per word—eagerly paid by hungry editors back when magazines had
business models that actually worked—to zero in today’s content-glutted,
balkanized blogosphere. Let’s face it, as traditional publishing slowly
perishes and is replaced by an electronically enabled mediocrity made possible
by the removal of all barriers to entry, those of us who write do so solely to
entertain what micro-audiences we can gather—a sorry business to be sure, yet
one with deep cultural roots.
Examining those
roots led me to the brink of enlightenment. Crossing its threshold required
abandoning all pretenses that the legacy of Jefferson, Adams, Madison,
Franklin, and Washington has any relevance to our modern world—acknowledging
the judgment of our fellow citizens that the Constitution as written is no
longer a guiding document, but an outmoded relic of an age gone by. In its
stead we have the virtues of unlimited empathy, fairness, solidarity, and the
surrender of ever bigger slices of our take-home pay. Acknowledging these
painful truths and in a token of my conversion, I have burned my voter
registration card so as to never be patsy or party to another damn fool
election.
I have thus
liberated myself from all responsibility to stand athwart history,
yelling Stop. What a blessed
relief! With the bulk of my productive years behind me (not that it matters
since I’m told I didn’t build that anyway), I pledge what is left of my life,
my misfortune, and my abandoned honor to become a chronicler of the decline and
fall of entitlement democracy.
Does this
philosophy of cynical detachment have a name, a patron saint, a body of writing
that seekers of truth can study? Where can one find not a sour nihilism, not a
Galt’s Gulch heroism, not a next-life religiosity, but a joyful celebration of
the here and now that revels in the madness of crowds and the charlatans that
lead them, even as the deluge threatens to engulf us all? That
last-days-of-Pompeii, enjoy-it-while-it-lasts, don’t-expect-anything-to-get-better
philosophy has been well elucidated, and it goes by the name Menckenism.
The credo of
American man of letters H. L. Mencken is based on the tenet that politics as
practiced by boobus Americanus should be
viewed as an act of nature, to be dealt with as one would a stormy day. Only a
fool tries to reason with the wind hoping to persuade it to blow in another
direction. Mocking those who insist on going into the rain without an umbrella
or who claim that night is day, cold is hot, snow makes for a good time at the
beach, money printing generates wealth, and nations can tax and spend their way
to prosperity may not solve any problems. But it sure can dish up some compensating
amusement while we wait for the roof to fall in.
The joy of
Menckenism is that it frees practitioners to lampoon the folly of everything
without ever having to defend anything. Not even their own behavior, criticism
of which can be dispatched with a simple phrase understandable even by those
equipped with no more than the basic vocabulary provided by a public education:
If you don’t like it, lump it.
H. L. Mencken did
not write to inform, educate, and improve his fellow man, a project he would
have deemed insane. His complex prose was not designed to penetrate the
intellectual fog in which most people spend their lives. He did not chuckle
good naturedly at man’s foibles, as did Will Rogers, the likable everyman.
Mencken embraced his elitism and used his perch to laugh heartily and acidly at
the knaves who called themselves public servants and the fools who repeatedly
voted them into office.
The key to
understanding how one can go on living in this country after being delivered
into economic bondage by fellow citizens who believe rights resemble shopping
lists is that Mencken always laughed, never cried. He wrote for those who
understood the joke and had the courage to laugh along with him, even as they
careened toward destruction. Along the way, he devoted his energies first and
foremost to making sure that his own life was comfortable and full for as long
as it lasted—and to hell with anyone who resented it and everyone that came
afterwards.
Perhaps the best
example of Menckenism is the approach he took to Prohibition. When it became
clear that voters, in their wisdom, were going to ban the manufacture,
importation, and sale of alcohol, did he mount a political campaign to avert
this self-inflicted calamity? Did he use the power of his pen to explain the futility
of such a policy, pointing out the unintended consequences that would surely
ensue? Did he exhaust himself swimming against the tide of public opinion?
No. He rented a
fortified warehouse and stocked it with a decades’ worth of beer, wine,
whiskey, and champagne. This allowed him to entertain his friends in style
while chortling his way through the rise of bootlegging, rum running, organized
crime, and the accumulation of the Kennedy fortune that plagues us to this day.
Mencken understood
the American people better than they understood themselves, and he eloquently
shared his understanding with unsparing wit. “If x is the population of the
United States and y is the degree of imbecility of the average American, then
democracy is the theory that x times y is less than y.” Amen.
Where does the path lead once one truly
gives up on democracy? I don’t know. Join me in a cocktail and let’s find out.
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