Fordlandia: Rules over rulers
by TOM W.
BELL
Libertarians daydream about building private cities in the developing
world. It will never happen, though, if they ignore real-world nightmares.
Consider the biggest, baddest failure of private government: Fordlandia.
In 1927, the American industrialist Henry Ford began building a private
city—Fordlandia—in the depths of the Brazilian Amazon forest. His company had
won title to nearly 2.5 million acres of land—over 3,800 square miles—for a
planned rubber plantation and company town. Ford spent over $20 million (about
$300 million in today’s
dollars) putting in roads, water and
power systems, rail lines, factories, offices, medical facilities, homes,
schools, and stores.
Drawn by the prospect of good jobs and modern living, thousands of workers
and their families flocked to Fordlandia. Soon, however, waves of rioting,
looting, and burning roiled the city. Ford abandoned his namesake in 1945,
leaving it to rot in the jungle.
Hubris
Why did Fordlandia end in failure?
Perhaps because it was born in hubris. Its founding genius ranked as the
richest man in 1920s America. He made his fortune founding and running the Ford
Motor Company, one of the world’s largest and most profitable firms. But Henry
Ford cared about more than making cars and money. He wanted to make a new kind
of worker.
Ford’s mass production assembly lines needed regimented, reliable
employees. Ford got them by paying nearly double the prevailing wage and by
subjecting his workers to the oversight of Ford Motor Company’s own sociology
department, which directed workers’ personal hygiene, household management, and
off-hours recreation.
Ford exercised still more control over workers who lived in the Ford Motor
Company towns built across the upper Midwest to harvest timber from the
company’s huge and remote forests. Henry Ford took a detailed interest in the
company towns, dictating what workers should plant in their front yards and
what dance steps their children should learn at school.
Ford longed for a larger canvas, however. He worked up plans to build a
75-mile-long city along an impoverished stretch of the Tennessee River, but
federal lawmakers balked at the notion. Perhaps Ford would have fared better if
he had not announced his intention to create a regional “energy dollar” backed
by the power of his dams. Instead, the federal Tennessee Valley Authority took
charge of the region’s rivers. Frustrated at home, Ford looked abroad.
Fordlandia was born of Ford Motor Company’s need for vast amounts of
rubber—not just for the Model T’s tires but for gaskets, hoses, wires, and
other parts. Ford Motor Company began worrying about rubber during the 1920s,
when it found itself relying on plantations located in Europe’s Southeast Asian
colonies. (Commercially viable alternatives to natural rubber had not yet been
invented.) Rising prices and political uncertainty convinced Ford to find—or
rather, make—another source of rubber. Just as the Ford Motor Company got wood
from its own forests, it would get rubber from its own plantation. And just as
it built towns for timber workers and their families, Ford would build an
entire city to support its rubber plantation.
Poor Planning
Fordlandia ultimately failed because its rubber trees failed. Though native
to the region, Hevea brasiliensis trees do
not grow together in the wild. Packing them into a plantation made them easy
prey for local diseases and pests. Plantations might work in Southeast Asia,
where rubber trees had no natural enemies, but they seemed doomed to fail in
Fordlandia.
In that, alone, we see one big cause of Fordlandia’s failure: poor
planning. Remarkably for so large and successful a company, the Ford Motor
Company did not excel in working things out beforehand. The aviator Charles
Lindberg, who worked with the company’s aviation division, explained, “Their
policy is to act first and plan afterward, usually overlooking completely
essential details.”
Ford distrusted experts. He staffed the Fordlandia project with capable men
and expected them to work out the details by simple common sense and elbow
grease. “Learning by doing” was a both a Ford management philosophy and a core
principal of the pedagogy Ford impressed on the many schools he ran.
Fordlandia thus launched without anyone bothering to figure out what made
Southeast Asian rubber plantations work—or what might make a
Brazilian rubber plantation fail.
And while the Ford Motor Company knew something about building and running
company towns, it evidently never thought to consult with the United Fruit
Company, which ran thriving company towns in neighboring regions. Ford would
have to learn for himself how to deal with a foreign culture and a foreign
government.
Consistent with his disdain for experts, Ford did not ask qualified
attorneys to iron out the details of his agreement with Brazilian officials. On
paper, Ford’s negotiators won wide-ranging concessions: millions of acres of
public lands; the right to exploit natural resources, construct buildings,
railroads, and airfields, organize a private police force, and run schools; and
exemptions from export taxes and import duties. Ford had no effective way to
enforce those promises, however, when later political administrations found
them inconvenient.
Logistical difficulties hobbled Fordlandia from the start. It was not
simply a problem of remoteness—though the Amazon jungle proved remote indeed from
Detroit. Nobody noticed until it was too late that the only effective way to
reach Fordlandia—the Tapajos river, which ran through the property—grew too
shallow during the dry season to allow passage of any but the smallest ships. A
freighter sent from Detroit full of supplies necessary for getting Fordlandia
started had to wait four months for the river to rise. When the freighter
finally reached the work site, Ford workers discovered that the cranes needed
to unload heavy cargo had been packed first, putting them at the bottom of the
ship’s hold.
Those and other logistical mistakes left Ford officials unable to provide
workers with adequate food, decent housing, or gasoline for power tools.
Clearing the jungle by hand proved grueling and often deadly work. Workers fell
prey to biting insects, poisonous snakes, scorpions, exhaustion, and illness.
After one too many meals of rotten meat, they rioted, arming themselves with
machetes and putting the Americans to flight.
Although Ford officials restored calm in that instance, later maltreatment
of workers—including strident programs to clean up residential areas and futile
attempts to impose prohibition—triggered worse outbreaks of violence. In the
last of them, rampaging workers set fire to Fordlandia as they chanted, “Brazil
for Brazilians! Kill all the Americans!” Ford officials had to call in
the Brazilian army to restore order.
Fordlandia struggled on for some years but never came close to turning a
profit. The Great Depression made business of any sort difficult, much less a
business plagued with dying trees and rioting workers. Ford finally called the
experiment off in 1945, surrendering Fordlandia to the Brazilian government for
merely $244,200—the amount owed to laid-off workers under Brazilian law.
People frustrated with the foibles of statism have often advocated private
government. Ayn Rand imagined Galt’s Gulch, Robert Nozick called for a “utopia
of utopias,” and Randy E. Barnett describes how competing companies could
create a polycentric legal order.
It’s not just talk, either. As I discussed in my prior column, reformers in
Honduras have been working on plans for private developers to build special
development regions that would enjoy considerable autonomy from the central
government. (Things have been looking up since my last report, but that’s a
subject for another column.)
Little good will come of daydreaming about private governments, however,
unless we face up to the possible nightmares. The history of Fordlandia offers
valuable lessons in how not to build and run a city. It remains for us to learn
from Ford’s mistakes and do better.
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