And how the truth about invading Iraq was suppressed by laptop
bombardiers
By JON BASIL UTLEY
What’s missing from reminiscences of the War on Iraq is how and why the
war propaganda was spread so effectively, particularly among Republicans. In
fact, the refusal of most conservative media to publish contrary information
was one of the reasons this magazine was founded. The American Conservative provided
an outlet for many respected conservatives who couldn’t get antiwar views
published.
Over and over we hear that U.S. allies
believed that Iraq had WMDs. Well, sure, our CIA and British intelligence fed
them misinformation, which they then repeated back to us—especially Eastern Europeans,
who wanted to strengthen military relations with Washington. Even so, Germany,
France, and the UN Security Council refused to support the war. There was also widespread opposition inside the U.S. military and by
former U.N. inspectors, which was given little publicity by major conservative media. The big
push for war came from neoconservatives and the Religious Right, evangelical fundamentalists who
believed God wanted war to hurry up the second coming of Christ. Indeed, former
French President Chirac wrote in his memoirs about the born-again George W.
Bush telling him how God wanted war.
Conservatives opposed to empire and war
included Pat Buchanan, Scott McConnell, Charley Reese, Paul Craig Roberts, Paul
Gottfried, myself, Doug Bandow, Bill Kauffman, Sheldon Richman, Leon Hadar, Allan
Brownfeld, Martin Sieff, Phil Giraldi, as well as other respected leaders such
as congressmen John Duncan and
Ron Paul and future senator James Webb.
Neither Buchanan nor any other anti-war
writer could get published by The
Washington Times. The Wall
Street Journal op-ed would
not accept any article opposing the war until one by Brent Scowcroft, who was too big a name to block. National Review, the Heritage Foundation, and the
American Enterprise Institute’s publications and conferences would only promote
pro-war opinions and propaganda. Fox News was a solid barrage of war promotion and
panic-mongering. Human Events, the Cold War bulwark, had lost its great
editor, Allan Ryskind, after which it just parroted the Bush administration.
The seeds and theories of American empire-wishers were
planted after the collapse of Communism. Well before 9/11, I had tried to get National Review to publish
my article “America Is not Rome.” I still remember how Bill Buckley,
who was the godfather of my first child, waved my article off with an
outstretched arm when I sat with him in the lobby of the Hay Adams in
Washington. Later he changed his views and become an early defector over the Iraq War, though by then he had delivered National Review to the neocons. Similarly, when I
wrote to the Heritage Foundation’s foreign-policy staff urging that they at
least allow an occasional non-empire speaker at their Washington conference, I
was told that those ideas could be heard at the Cato Institute. I knew most of
the major conservative leaders from my years as an anti-Communist writer and
donor to conservative causes and from my 17 years as a commentator on Third
World issues for the Voice of America. My mother, Freda Utley, had
been one of the earliest anti-Communist writers in America, and many knew her
work.
What America’s imperialists did not
understand was that the collapse of Communism meant that Washington had less
power to control world events. Fear of Communist terror meant that other
nations always followed Washington’s lead. Once the threat was gone, they
didn’t need to obey us any more. Think of Turkey, a prime example, and even
Germany and Japan, which refused to support the invasion of Iraq.
I know all this because I was also among
those opposing the Persian Gulf War—i.e., the First Iraq War. And it was the
first war that brought about the second one. Remember the three reasons Osama bin Laden himself gave for the
9/11 attacks were 1) the stationing of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia during the
first war, 2) the harm to Iraqi children resulting from nine years of American
sanctions after the first war, and 3) the conditions of Palestinians under
Israeli occupation on the West Bank.
The 9/11 attacks were obviously a
consequence of the First Iraq War. What’s forgotten is that the first war was
also based on Washington lies, in this case about the famous“incubator babies,” the secret, untrue satellite photos showing
that Saddam’s army was posed on the border of Saudi Arabia, and Ambassador April Glaspie’s telling Saddamthat Washington was not concerned with
inter-Arab quarrels.
Conservative opposition to the Gulf War
was led by the Committee to Avert a Mideast Holocaust. Its membership comprised conservative
including Pat Buchanan, publisher Henry Regnery, Ron Paul, William Niskanen of
Cato, Murray Rothbard and Lew Rockwell of the Mises Institute, John
Chamberlain, Paul Gottfried, Sheldon Richman, and Justin Raimondo. I was a
co-founder, along with Phil Nicolaides and Joseph Sobran. Our secretary and
public-affairs director was the redoubtable Fran Griffin, a long-time conservative organizer.
There was no Internet in those days, and we had almost no money, but we exposed
the lies and did manage to do a number of direct mailings. But we were swamped
by Kuwaiti money—for example, they brought a dozen tables at CPAC’s banquet,
filling them with Young Americans for Freedom students clamoring for war.
England’s Margaret Thatcher also demanded war to save Kuwait, which was a major
depositor and funder of England’s banks.
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