Political developments can change any scenario almost overnight
Oil is the single most important commodity purchased
today, and its price influences the fortunes of every nation on the planet in
significant ways. Yet nobody can tell you with honesty that they know where the
price is headed.
Thirty years
ago (and much younger then), I imagined that I could construct a model to
calculate the future price of oil—and even persuaded some others to accept this
idea. Needless to say, the price never really performed as my model had
predicted, except in very general terms; it did go higher. The experience left
me with a deep appreciation of the importance of assumptions in models—in this
case, extraneous political parameters Usefully also, I acquired a certain
skepticism towards models generally.
The situation
then was relatively simple: There was just an OPEC monopolist and the
‘rest-of-the-world’ producers. Today, the situation is much more complicated
and I’m not sure I know how to predict a future price for crude oil.
In 1982, the
world price was controlled by an OPEC core, mainly Saudi Arabia, which had
excess production capacity and could also afford to cut their production in
order to maintain a price. In fact, in the early 1980’s, Saudi Arabia cut its
production from 10 million barrels per day (MBD) down to almost 2 MBD in order
to sustain a high world price. Ultimately, they failed—probably because they
needed the revenue (i.e., total number of barrels sold times the world price).
The other world producers, including the rest of OPEC, were simply
“price-takers,” selling as much as they could produce at whatever the world
price happened to be.
Under those
circumstances, the scenario was fairly simple. One assumed that the OPEC core
acted rationally, which means they would try to maximize their ‘discounted
profit stream’ by adjusting their production from year to year (or perhaps
month to month) to obtain the optimum price path over time: not too low a
price to cut profit per barrel—and not too high to cut the number of barrels
sold.
This kind of
problem can be solved with the help of ‘optimal control theory,’ as used by
engineers and physicists. (Economists refer to it as the Pontryagin problem.)
Mathematically, it means finding the integrand that will maximize the value of
the integral.
In this case,
the integral would be the summation over future years of (profit per
bbl)x(number of barrels sold by the ‘core’), all discounted to the present with
a certain discount rate.
This problem,
as originally posed by MIT Prof Robert Pindyck, can be solved by brute-force
methods, using high-speed computers that try progressively different integrands
until a maximum of the integral is reached. It turns out, however, that after
some minor simplifying assumptions the problem can be solved analytically. The
complete solution, though elegant, looks rather forbidding and is discussed in
Appendix 2 of my monograph “The Price of World Oil” [Ann. Rev.
Energy 1983]. But by applying recursive calculations, one obtains a
price vs. time curve that will maximize the discounted profit stream to the
OPEC core.
The solution of
the problem demonstrates some interesting facts. The most important parameter
for the OPEC core to consider is the discount rate—as seen by Saudi Arabia. For
example, fear that the Kingdom might lose control of the oil implies a high value
of discount rate (that devalues future profits heavily) and calls for selling
as much oil as possible within a short time frame. On the other hand, if there
are no such fears about security, then the discount rate will be more normal,
of the order of 2-3% per year. The solutions generally show an increasing price
as the cost of production rises when wells are depleted.
Yale economist
William Nordhaus has pointed out that there will be a backstop technology that
sets an upper limit to the future price of oil. He assumed that this will be
liquefied natural gas (LNG)—which seemed reasonable at the time, with crude oil
selling for about $12 a barrel and LNG up to $100 for the energy equivalent.
That was in
1982. Today the situation is much different—and actually reversed. With a world
price between $90-100 per barrel, many oil resources around the world have
become profitable. In Canada, tar sands production is increasing year by year.
In the US, advances in ‘fracking’ and horizontal drilling now permit oil
extraction from shale deposits, although kerogen in tight shale rocks is still
beyond reach.
[As an aside, I
still remember the National Petroleum Council, the industry energy experts who
advised the Department of Interior, telling us around 1970 that “if the price
of crude oil ever reaches $3 (yes, three dollars) a barrel, shale oil will
become economic.”]
It appears to
me that the present price of oil, between $90-100 a barrel, is unstable—as
production increases around the world without a corresponding increase in
demand. The major demand is still for transportation, on the ground and in the
air. But the price of natural gas has fallen so much that the price-energy
ratio is now around 6. LNG can be sold on the world market at around $15 (per
oil-equivalent barrel) and provides a fairly effective backstop to the world
price of crude.
However, things
are not as simple. While natural gas is very cheap in the United States and
indeed in many other parts of the world, the situation can change drastically
because of political decisions that have to do with environmental factors. For
example, because of efforts to reduce emissions of CO2, natural gas is rapidly
displacing cheap coal as the major boiler fuel for electrical generation. Many
utilities have already made the switch or plan to go in that direction—which
would vastly increase the demand for natural gas. The use of LNG as a more
economic fuel for large trucks is also becoming popular and can displace up to
3 MBD of US oil demand—and therefore about one-third of oil imports.
Finally, we
have the possibility of converting natural gas directly to gasoline or diesel
fuel. Shell Oil has already built such a plant in Qatar and is planning the
construction of a much larger plant in the United States. So even with natural
gas production rising throughout the world, demand may rise even faster and
raise the price of natural gas in relation to crude oil. It is difficult to
predict where the balance will occur and how it will change over time—with LNG
becoming a world fuel, much like crude oil, as transportation costs become a
small fraction of the total cost. Even tiny Israel may join the club of LNG
exporters on the basis of their discoveries of huge gas fields in the Eastern
Mediterranean.
But political
developments can change this benign scenario almost overnight. Without the
Keystone pipeline, high transportation costs would discourage the full
development of Canadian tar sands. If environmental zealots succeed in
curtailing drilling and fracking, gas prices will surely rise and affect oil
prices. On the world market, all price predictions are off if the Middle East
blows up. In all of these scenarios, which vitally affect global economic
growth, the White House plays a crucial role. Dare we hope that as a ‘lame duck’
Obama will be less likely to follow Green zealots?
Ultimately, we
have technological imponderables. If methane hydrates from the ocean
floor should become commercial, then we can access a truly spectacular resource
of natural gas—and all bets are off.
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