by Donald Norman
“There is no evidence that government scientists and engineers are
better at forecasting the future and know how the future will play out better
than the scientists and engineers in private companies. Technocrats ignore the
fact that private companies also hire scientists and engineers, (not to mention
MBA’s and economists) and make investments based on their outlook for the
future.”
The
technocracy movement that arose in the early part of twentieth century
advocated turning over the reins of governmental decision making to scientists,
engineers and other “technocrats”. It was argued that the expertise of
technocrats would result in better decisions than those made by private
companies.
The
idea of technocracy was embedded in the concept of
central planning and was heralded by Thorstein Veblen and embraced by the Soviet Union. In
the early years of the Great Depression the movement enjoyed renewed
popularity, the belief being that technical, rational and apolitical expertise
could revive the economy.
As an
aside, one of the advocates of technocracy was M. King Hubbert who later developed his theory of
Peak Oil production. Hubbert also proposed that energy certificates be issued
to replace conventional money. These certificates could be divided equally
among all members of a North American continental “technate.” Hubbert went on
to become a geoscientist at Shell Oil.
A Comeback in Energy
Interest
in the technocracy movement waned as the 1930s wore one, but surprisingly it is
making a comeback in the area of energy. The Obama administration’s belief
that the government can pick winning energy technologies is something that has
a lineage reaching back to the technocracy movement.
Despite F. A. Hayek’s explanation as to how markets transmit
information and coordinate decision making by individuals in the private
sector, many in the current administration, along with its supporters, believe
that Nobel Prize winning scientists like Secretary of Energy Steven Chu are better positioned to put the
economy on the “correct” path to the future and do so faster than the market.
The
problem with technocracy goes beyond the Hayekian information problem faced by
central planners. Those making governmental investment commitments have little
“skin in the game.” They are not risking their money or the money of investors
who voluntarily opt to take on a risk.
Rather,
they are risking the taxpayers’ money because the latter are unwittingly forced
to become investors in government projects. The incentive structure faced by
government decision makers thus is different than that faced by private
companies.
Those
investing in private companies and ventures can assess the risks they face.
They have access to investment analyses and ratings by agencies like Moody’s
and Standard & Poor’s. If a company is publicly held, investors can readily
find measures of risk like Betas. What does the taxpayer have? They have the
assertion that Stephen Chu and other scientists are better positioned than
private companies to pick which technologies to underwrite.
Past as Prologue
The
government has intervened in energy markets before. Aside from price and
allocation controls on oil and price controls on natural gas, the government
gave us the Power Plant and Industrial Fuel Use
Act of 1978, which was premised on the view of experts that we were running out of
natural gas and thus its use should be limited. Thus, the Fuel Use Act
restricted the use of natural gas for industrial uses and by new power plants
for electricity generation. Mercifully, this law was administratively and
legislatively weakened and finally repealed in 1987. U.S. natural gas
production went on to smash the previous record high, set in 1973, in 2011. The
record was broken again in 2012.
The
government picked another “winning” strategy when it established the Synthetic Fuels Corporation in 1980 with the goal of producing two
million barrels of liquid fuel per day within five years. Alas, this winning
strategy was done in by the subsequent decline in oil prices that began two
years later and an administration that took a dimmer view of having the
government pick winners. The Corporation was abolished in 1985.
Back to the (Predictable) Failure
Ignoring
previous experience, the federal government got back into the energy investment
business in 2009 and some were downright giddy. Susan Kraemer gushed that Stephen Chu finally put “the
nail in the coffin of those who say the government can’t pick winners and
losers”:
So picking winners to invest in on behalf of the public good makes
sense. At least initially, they need government support. Now it looks as if our
own government is getting as smart as the Japanese government was back in the
’90’s. Kudos to our new DOE. Today, I’m proud to be an American.
This
exuberance came before Solyndra (recipient of a $535 million loan) went
bankrupt. Fisker Automotive (recipient of a $529 million loan) recently laid
off 75 percent of its staff and reportedly is on the verge of filing for
bankruptcy. Tesla, another electric car producer and the recipient of a $465
million loan, claims to be turning a profit selling cars at prices ranging from
$49,900 to $180,000. While Tesla purchasers like Leonardo DiCaprio are
benefiting from the government’s support of Tesla, one can question whether the
loan is in the public interest.
(As an
aside, one can opt instead to lease a Tesla for $500 per month. Unfortunately
for Tesla, analysts are questioning the reality of this lease price, claiming the
true cost is much greater. On the plus side according to Tesla, the company
reportedly reached “full profitability” during the latest quarter, although its
statement didn’t specify what “full profitability” meant. It appears Tesla set
the bar wherever it wanted to and declared victory.)
Market Discipline … Political Fad
A
company in the private sector requires its investment projects to generate a
return equal to or greater than the hurdle rate it establishes as a filtering
device. Hurdle rates typically are linked to a company’s weighted average cost
of raising capital and include the cost of issuing equity and selling debt. A
risk factor may be added to the weighted average cost of capital that takes
account of a project’s specific risk.
Companies
will be forced by the discipline of market forces to scale back or even the
pull the plug on investments which do not perform as expected. As Armen Alchian
argued in his classic article, “Uncertainty, Evolution and Economic Theory,”
companies that do not respond quickly will not maximize profits and thus
eventually will be weeded out of the market by the competitive process.
The
recourse to a subsidy or a low interest government loan is not an option for
companies that rely on private financing. Further, these companies have no
protection from competitors that enter the market offering new products or
technologies (witness Betamax vs. VCR; VCR vs. DVD; DVD vs. streaming, Apple
iPhones vs. Samsung Galaxy or Nokia Lumia, etc., etc.).
Such is
not the case for government ventures. The government is able to “tap” into (or
should I say “pick”) the pockets of taxpayers to keep a project going. Kraemer
indicated that government support might be needed, “at least initially,” but
the length of this initial period is left to anyone’s guess. Like government
agencies that rarely are subject to “sunsetting,” a governmentally funded
project can be kept alive simply because it is in the interest of politicians
to underwrite projects that bring jobs to their districts.
Finally,
there is no evidence that government scientists and engineers are better at
forecasting the future or know how the future will play out better than the
scientists and engineers in private companies. Technocrats ignore the fact that
private companies also hire scientists and engineers, (not to mention MBA’s and
economists) and make investments based on their outlook for the future.
The
criticism leveled at this is that private investment decisions are guided by
the profit motive. But what guides the scientists and engineers hired by
government or who work for firms that are underwritten by the government? Is it
simply their confidence in their vision? And, is there any evidence that their
visions of the future are better than those coming from the private sector?
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