Now that the Senate is finally debating a bill that
would overhaul the immigration system, legislators would do well to separate myth
from reality.
Myth 1: There
are more immigrants than
ever and these immigrants break the mold of previous waves.
Between 1860
and 1920, fourteen percent of the population was foreign-born. The average for
the 20th century is 10-plus percent. The proportion is not different
today—about 13 percent. Until the 1880s immigration originated in northern and
western Europe but in subsequent decades they came from southern, central and
eastern Europe, which was culturally, politically and economically different.
Not to mention Asians, who arrived in significant numbers.
Myth 2:
Immigrants migrate because they are very poor.
The poorest
people migrate internally. Rich countries such as South Korea have sent many
migrants to the U.S. while Bangladeshi women, who are very poor, have migrated
little even in Asia, the region with the highest rate of migration. Europe was
a net exporter of people until 1980. Family ties, occupational preference,
distressed conditions at home and historical ties matter. U.S. involvement in
Cuba, the Philippines and the Dominican Republic in the early the 20th century
was a critical factor in the movement of citizens from those countries to
America. Business interests were key at various times in pushing for the legal
hiring of Mexicans.
Myth 3: These
immigrants are culturally different and threaten the American way of life.
Immigrants are
religious, family-oriented, entrepreneurial and no more prone to crime than
natives. Seventy percent of Hispanics who moved to the U.S. in the last two decades
are Catholic (one fifth are “born again” Christians) and 23 percent are
Protestant. One in two undocumented households has couples with children; only
thirteen percent of them are headed by single parents—against one third of
native households. The percentage of immigrant workers who are self-employed
mirrors that of natives. Immigrant-led gentrification has revived neighborhoods
from New York to Florida. Adjusted for age, the proportion of immigrants who
are criminals mirrors that of natives.
Myth 4:
Present-day immigrants do not assimilate, unlike previous waves.
About forty
percent of newcomers speak reasonable English anyway, but the three-generation
pattern echoes that of previous immigrants: the second generation is bilingual
but speaks English better and the third generation speaks only English. By the
third generation, out-marriage is strong among immigrants. A century ago,
seventeen percent of second-generation Italian immigrants married non-Italians
while 20 percent of second-generation Mexicans marry non-Hispanics today (even
though, given the numbers, it is easier for them to marry another Mexican.)
Second-generation immigrants do better than their parents, as in the past.
Myth 5:
Low-skilled workers take away jobs, lower salaries and hurt the economy.
As producers
and consumers, illegal immigrants enlarge the economic pie by at least $36
billion a year. That number would triple if they were legal—various studies
point to a $1 trillion impact on GDP in ten years. Low-skilled workers fulfill
a need by taking jobs others do not want, letting natives move up the scale.
Without them employers would need to pay higher salaries, making those products
and services more expensive. They have a tiny negative effect on wages at the
lowest end that is offset by a rise in the wages of those who move up—the net
effect is a 1.8% rise.
Myth 6: A
flexible system would mean an invasion of foreigners.
Undocumented
immigration is self-regulating. When there is demand for immigrant work, they
come in large numbers; in times of recession, the flow stops. Between 2005 and
2010 net immigration came down to zero. Legalizing this undocumented market
would maintain the dynamic. Since the large number of undocumented people
implies that legal barriers have not been very effective, it is safe to assume
that market forces would be similar in a flexible system. Mexico is progressing
and the problem for the U.S. will soon be how to attract more foreign labor!
Myth 7:
Immigrants don’t pay taxes and cost more than they contribute.
Immigrants pay
many local and state levies, including real estate and sales taxes, and about
$7 billion in Social Security taxes. Between the 1970s and the 1990s they
represented $25 billion more in government revenue than what they cost. They
would contribute much more if they were documented. Most immigrant children
have at least one parent who is a citizen, so counting all of them as part of
the cost of immigration is deceptive. The welfare state was never a “pull”
factor: until after World War II immigrants were not entitled to relief
programs. Immigrants did not cause government spending to grow by a factor of
50 in one century.
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