Conflating democracy with freedom, we elevated one narrow means over a desired universal end
By RALPH PETERS
With the very best
intentions, we got it wrong. By elevating the establishment of democracy above
all other priorities in states beyond Europe, we got elections — then had to
watch freedom suffer.
The roads to
Tahrir, Taksim and Red Squares have been paved with good intentions, but led to
the oppression of those who shared our values.
The headline
example is Turkey, whose democratically empowered prime minister, Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, was welcomed at the White House as a “friend” by our president — even
as his government methodically undercut the country’s secular constitution,
imposing his party’s Islamist values step by skillful step and imprisoning more
journalists than China.
Prime Minister
Erdogan constantly cites his party’s election wins — with just over 50 percent
of the vote last time around — as justification for imposing his Justice and
Development Party’s Islamizing agenda on the entire population.
This month’s
impassioned demonstrations and strikes in Istanbul, Ankara and other Turkish
cities were triggered by the planned destruction of the last green space in
Istanbul (and exacerbated by restrictions on alcohol sales), but are really
about the struggle between those Turks who lean West and want social freedoms,
and a government intent on reestablishing Turkey as an Islamic Middle-East
hegemon.
Turkey has been a
cultural conduit and invasion route between East and West for millennia. Today,
it’s the cockpit of a new East-West struggle our politicians dread to
acknowledge, a profound contest over the extent to which a majority can demand
conformity from the dissenting individual (all too often in the name of a god).
Our president
clings to “democratically elected” Erdogan even as Turkey beats freedom demonstrators
to a pulp, backs Muslim Brotherhood factions in Syria’s civil war, exploits a
staged confrontation with Israel and does its best domestically to pack
ministries, courts and the military with Islamists.
Last Wednesday’s
walk-out by the nation’s lawyers in sympathy with the freedom demonstrators had
more to do with Erdogan’s subversion of the judiciary than with saving trees.
In Russia, Putin
cites his election wins as justification for increasing tyranny, as do his
clones in much of the former Soviet Union. Across the Middle East, sectarian
leaders exploit election victories to exclude minorities from any hope of
future power through the polls (elections that bring religious parties to power
do not appear to come with a reverse gear). Democracy is, indeed, advancing,
but freedom is retreating.
Democracy as we
know it works within our practiced culture. For us, it’s the zenith of human
self-organization. Disagree angrily though we may, we’ve learned to grit our
teeth and compromise with political opponents in the clinch. The recent IRS
debacle, for all the grandstanding on Capitol Hill, displayed our system’s
strength: Members of Congress from both parties were genuinely shocked.
But we who
self-govern in the Anglo-American tradition have had eight centuries of
practice, with plenty of errors made along the way. Americans didn’t start from
scratch in 1776, but inherited a tradition of the rule of law and impartial
judicial institutions, of individual rights and of tolerance (however
reluctant) of minority rights. We would even fight a great civil war over the
rights of a never-before-enfranchised minority, an event that remains unique in
world history.
And then we
convinced ourselves that what has worked well for us must work for others with
profoundly different traditions in societies at different stages of social and
ethical development.
We were wrong.
It’s time to face it.
We shouldn’t turn
our back on democracy, but must recognize that the house needs a firm
foundation that may take time to build. Instead of prodding ruptured societies
to hurtle into elections — a pattern that gave us the treacherous President
Hamid Karzai in Kabul and Baghdad’s sectarian partisan, Nouri al-Maliki, as
well as the hapless President Mohammad Morsi in Egypt — we should stand for the
rights of individuals and minorities, for guaranteed freedoms first. And we
need to consider that there may be no universally applicable formula for
getting to authentic, robust democracy in short order.
Democracy has
worked well in two types of societies: The homogenous, such as Sweden or the
Netherlands, where elections are about issues, not confessional or ethnic
differences, and in diverse societies such as today’s United States that form
and re-form fluid coalitions and where no single voting block can dominate all
of the others.
Democracy
consistently has disappointed in ethnically or religiously divided societies in
which a majority tribe or faith wins the election and assumes the right to
tyrannize minorities or “unbelievers.”
Conflating democracy
with freedom, we elevated one narrow means over a desired universal end. It’s time for us to stand for freedom
again.
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