Gaza
held hostage to Egypt's turmoil
An air
of uncertainty is engulfing most matters related to Egypt. Since the Egyptian
revolt started over two years ago, the country remains hostage to a barefaced
power struggle with many destructive implications that have polarized society
in unprecedented ways, perhaps in all of Egypt's modern history.
While
in Egypt nothing is sacred and no one is safe from the massive campaigns of
defamation, as demonization and sheer lies are launched by one political camp
against the other, Palestinians find themselves in a most precarious position.
Palestinians
in the Gaza Strip in particular, are heavily dependent on their Egyptian
neighbors. Six years of an Israeli siege, originally imposed to punish
Palestinians for electing Hamas in an election viewed widely as transparent and
fair, has culminated into a drama with international dimensions.
This
drama of course involved the Palestinians, but also Israel's traditional
benefactors - lead, as always, by the United States - Arab countries, Iran,
Turkey and more. Aside from the vicious nature of a siege imposed to punish a
civilian population for making democratic choices, the siege has morphed to
acquire multiple meanings.
On one
hand, it further cemented the division of Palestinian political elites, as the
Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority (PA) invested in ensuring the isolation of
its Hamas political opponents. Notably, this took place after their brief but
bloody encounters in Gaza in 2007.
On the
other, the siege positioned Hamas, whose survival was at stake, forcefully in a
regional camp that involved Iran, Syria and the Lebanese resistance group
Hezbollah.
The
last development in particular was exploited by Israel in every way possible
and certainly without much context. It subsequently attacked Gaza at will,
killing and wounding thousands in the course of few years, in the name of
fighting Middle Eastern radicals hell-bent on erasing Israel off the map.
Under
ousted president Hosni Mubarak, Egypt served as a buffer zone for Israel and
the US to isolate Hamas from the rest of the world. The Egyptian dictator also
had his own reasons for isolating Gaza. Any success in Mubarak's neighborhood
for the Islamists, Palestinians or others, would have constituted a threat and
would have emboldened Egypt's own Islamists to expect or strive for a greater
role in Egypt's undemocratic political institutions.
Moreover,
by tightening the noose, the Egyptian regime at the time had hoped to
strengthen its role as a major player in the US Arab camp of
"moderates", in exchange for financial and political perks.
The
Mubarak regime justified its incarceration of Gaza as its attempt at preserving
Palestinian unity. The logic was flawed, but also clever. Under the auspices of
the George W Bush Administration and full Egyptian involvement, Israel and
Mahmoud Abbas' PA had reached an agreement on Movement and Access at the
Gaza-Egypt border in November 2005.
Expectedly,
the agreement was tilted in every way necessary to reassure Israel regarding
its many security concerns. A European mission - The European Union Border
Assistance Mission at the Rafah Crossing Point (EU BAM Rafah) - was hurriedly
deployed to monitor the border.
Those
listed by Israel as "suspects" were either turned back or detained.
It was an Israeli operation conducted by Palestinian and EU hands, with full
Egyptian cooperation. The Mubarak regime argued that opening the border under
Hamas' authority was a violation of the agreement and would have further
divided Palestinians.
When
Palestinian militants clashed in Gaza in 2007, resulting in the removal of
Abbas' Fatah loyalists from the Strip's entire security apparatus, Abbas found
himself on the very camp urging greater clamp down at Gaza's border, especially
with Egypt.
The
latter enthusiastically obliged. As Mubarak erected a barrier and an
underground wall around Gaza's 12 kilometer border, Abbas cheered him on.
"I support the wall," he was quoted in the Guardian on January 31,
2010. "It is the Egyptians' sovereign right in their own country.
Legitimate supplies should be brought through the legal crossings."
Abbas
of course knew well that "legal crossings" between Gaza and Israel
were meant to ration food and fuel for Palestinians in the impoverished Gaza,
in ways consistent with Israel's position, as reiterated by the then
influential Israeli official Dov Weissglass:
"The
idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of
hunger." As for the other "legal crossing" with Egypt, it had no
commercial use, and it was heavily restricted even for individuals with health
problems and students.
Following
a lethal Israeli war on Gaza in 2008-9, known by its Israeli name Operation
Cast Lead, Egypt moved even closer to the Israeli and PA position of choking
Gaza. Gazans didn't expect Mubarak to allow the seriously damaged place to
completely recover from a one-sided war that killed over 1,400 people, wounded
thousands more, and damaged much of the place's barely subsisting
infrastructure.
However,
they did hope that Mubarak would open the border crossing on a more predictable
basis; yet they watched in dismay as Western security experts flocked to Egypt
to fortify the Gaza border even further, before all of Gaza's victims were
accounted for.
Τhings have not always been this bad
between Gaza and Egypt. In fact, in past decades, Gazans saw a strong
connection, a bond even, with historical, political, cultural and religious
dimensions that made them in some respects view Egypt as their respite, their
last line of defense.
Historically,
Egypt, which fought bitter wars against Israel, as other Arab countries
conspired or capitulated, was in control of Gaza between 1948 and 1956, and
again between 1957 and 1967. Even after the Israeli occupation of the remainder
of historic Palestine, the political rapport was never severed until 1978 when
president Anwar Sadat signed the Camp David Accords. A second phase of those
accords put in place a "framework" that would turn Gaza, along with
the West Bank into autonomous regions.
While
many in Egypt fully understand that finding a dignified and lasting resolution
to the humiliation experienced by Palestinians in Gaza is a must, as they
remain confined to a tiny space with no political horizon in sight, some media
pundits are callously fanning the flames against the Gaza population and their
government.
They
might've forgotten that it was Gazans that lead the celebration of Egypt's
January 25 Revolution and it was their resistance that kept the Israeli army at
bay all of these years. Then, no one truly knew what sort of political outcome
the revolution would usher in. Most Palestinians seemed happy that Egyptians
were gasping the air of freedom, and truly believed that what was good for
Egypt was as equally good for Palestine.
It is
only obvious that neither Gazans nor their government have any vested interest
in destabilizing Egypt. Palestinians understand that a strong, stable Egypt
would have to immediately tend to some unfinished business, one being the Gaza
siege, and the other balancing out Israel's untamed military arrogance in that
area.
Yes,
Gaza has its religious zealots like any other place, but conflating that with a
Hamas-Muslim Brotherhood plot to undermine the army's presence in Sinai is
another unsubstantiated claim aimed solely at fomenting hate against
Palestinians.
When
media reports confirmed the release of seven kidnapped Egyptian soldiers in
Sinai that were received by President Mohammed Morsi at the Almatha airport on
May 22, it was the Palestinians in Gaza who echoed the cheers of their brethren
in Egypt. Aside from genuine gratification of their release, Gazans were also
happy to see thousands of stranded passengers being allowed to cross the border
after having spent six days fighting the elements and sleeping on cardboard.
Palestinians
in Gaza feel humiliated and are deeply frustrated for paying the price of
Egypt's protracted political turmoil. It is time that the Muslim Brotherhood
government of Morsi do some serious soul-searching and understand that
Palestinians will continue to dig tunnels to survive if Cairo doesn't reach an
agreement with the Gaza government that would allow for commercial exchange and
humanitarian relief.
Yes,
Egypt has every right to secure its border, but certainly not at the expense of
a besieged people who are tired of being subjected to "collective
punishment" or being used as political fodder. Additionally, they are most
certainly tired of digging tunnels to survive.
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