If the ouster of Assad is what the Sunni powers of Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt demand, why not let them do it?
Barack
Obama has just taken his first baby steps into a war in Syria that may define
and destroy his presidency.
Thursday,
while he was ringing in Gay Pride Month with LGBT revelers, a staffer, Ben
Rhodes, informed the White House press that U.S. weapons will be going to the
Syrian rebels.
For two
years Obama has stayed out of this sectarian-civil war that has consumed 90,000
lives. Why is he going in now?
The
White House claims it now has proof Bashar Assad used sarin gas to kill 100-150
people, thus crossing a “red line” Obama had set down as a “game changer.”
Defied, his credibility challenged, he had to do something.
Yet
Assad’s alleged use of sarin to justify U.S. intervention seems less like our
reason for getting into this war than our excuse.
For the
White House decided to intervene weeks ago, before the use of sarin was
confirmed. And why would Assad have used only tiny traces? Where is the
photographic evidence of the disfigured dead?
What
proof have we the rebels did not fabricate the use of sarin or use it
themselves to get the gullible Americans to fight their war?
Yet why
would President Obama, whose proud boast is that he will have extricated us
from the Afghan and Iraq wars, as Dwight Eisenhower did from the Korean War,
plunge us into a new war?
He has
been under severe political and foreign pressure to do something after Assad
and Hezbollah recaptured the strategic town of Qusair and began preparing to
recapture Aleppo, the largest city.
Should
Assad succeed, it would mean a decisive defeat for the rebels and their
backers: the Turks, Saudis and Qataris. And it would mean a geostrategic
victory for Iran, Hezbollah and Russia, who have proven themselves reliable
allies.
To
prevent this defeat and humiliation, we are now going to ship arms and
ammunition to keep the rebels going and in control of enough territory to
negotiate a peace that will remove Assad.
We are
going to make this a fair fight.
What is
wrong with this strategy? It is the policy of an amateur. It treats war like a
game. It ignores the lessons of history. And, as it continues a bloodbath with
no prospect of an end to it, it is immoral.
In
every great civil war of modernity—the Russian civil war of 1919-1921, the
Spanish civil war of 1936-1939, the Chinese civil war of 1945-49, one side
triumphs and takes power. The other loses and lives with the
consequences—defeat, death, exile.
What is
the likely reaction to our escalation from humanitarian aid to military aid?
Counter-escalation. Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah are likely to rush in more
weapons and troops to accelerate the progress of Assad’s army before the
American weapons arrive.
And if
they raise and call, what does Obama do?
Already,
a clamor is being heard from our clients in the Middle East and Congress to
crater Syria’s runways with cruise missiles, to send heavy weapons to the
rebels, to destroy Assad’s air force on the ground, to bomb his antiaircraft
sites.
All of
these are acts of war. Yet under the Constitution, Congress alone authorizes
war.
When
did Congress authorize Obama to take us to war in Syria? Where does our
imperial president get his authority to draw red lines and attack countries
that cross them?
Have we
ceased to be a republic? Has Congress become a mere spectator to presidential
decisions on war and peace?
As
Vladimir Putin seems less the reluctant warrior, what do we do if Moscow
answers the U.S. escalation by delivering on its contract to provide S-300
antiaircraft missiles to Damascus, which can cover half of Israel?
Obama
has put us on the escalator to a war already spilling over Syria’s borders into
Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan, a war that is now sundering the entire Middle
East along Sunni and Shia lines.
He is
making us de facto allies of the Al-Qaida-like al-Nusra Front, of Hamas and
jihadists from all across the region, and of the Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt’s
President Mohammed Morsi just severed ties to Syria and is demanding a “no-fly
zone,” which one imagines the United States, not the Egyptian air force, would
have to enforce.
Our
elites shed tears over the 90,000 dead in Syria. But what we are about to do
will not stop the killing, but simply lengthen the duration of the war and
increase the numbers of dead and wounded.
At the
top of this escalator our country has begun to ascend is not just a proxy war
with Iran in Syria, but a real war that would entail a disaster for the world
economy.
If the
ouster of Assad is what the Sunni powers of Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt
demand, why not let them do it?
Anti-interventionists
should demand a roll-call vote in Congress on whether Obama has the authority
to take us into this Syrian war.
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