The Truth About SwedenCare
by Klaus Bernpaintner
As a Swede currently living in the United States, with actual experience of
Swedencare, I must reply to the delusions propagated by professor Robert H.
Frank in his June 15 article in the New
York Times, titled “What Sweden Can Teach Us About Obamacare.”
It is surprising
to read something so out of line with basic economic theory from an economics
professor. But theory aside, it would have sufficed for professor Frank to have
taken a field trip down to the nearest public emergency room to have his
illusions irreparably shattered. The reality is that Swedish healthcare is the
perfect illustration of the tragedy of central planning. It is expensive and —
even worse — it kills innocent people.
Free universal
healthcare came about in the 50s as part of the Social Democratic project to
create the “People’s Home” (Folkhemmet). This grand effort also included free
education on all levels, modern housing for the poor, mandatory government
pension plans and more. Let us grant benefit of the doubt and assume that some
of its proponents had good intentions; as so often, these intentions paved the
road to a hellish destination.
It has taken
awhile, but it is now becoming obvious even to the man on the street that every aspect
of this project has been a disaster. He may not be able to connect the dots,
but he can see that the system is definitely not working as advertised, and it
is rapidly deteriorating.
Before the utopian
project got under way, Sweden had some of the absolute lowest taxes in the
civilized world and, not surprisingly, was ranked at the top in terms of
standard of living. The project changed Sweden into a country with the second
highest tax rate in the world (Denmark is higher), periods of rampant
inflation, and a steadily deteriorating economy.
There is nothing
economically mysterious about health care — it is just another service. Like
any other it can be plentifully provided on a free market at affordable prices
and constantly improving quality. But like everything else, it breaks down when
the central planners get their hands on it, which they now have. To claim that
the problems are due to a “market failure” in health care is like saying that
there was a market failure in Soviet bread production.
Let us look at
what happened when health care was provided for free by the Swedish government
(i.e., taxpayers). Note that the same economic principles and incentives apply
to any service that the government decides to take over and provide for free.
The same principles will apply to Obamacare, with some slight variations.
First it was
understood in Sweden that free healthcare was only for the poor. It would not
affect those who were happy with their existing provider. But when government
suddenly offers a free alternative, many will leave their private practitioner
in favor of the free goods. The public system will have to be expanded, while
the private doctors will lose patients. The private doctors are then forced to
either take employment within the public system or leave the profession. The
result is one single public healthcare monolith. Can one find economies of
scale within its operations, as professor Frank claims? Maybe. But if they
exist, they will be dwarfed by the costs and inefficiencies of the bureaucracy
that inevitably grows to manage the system.
These results are
clearly visible in Sweden. There are very few private practices left. Of the
few that are left, most are part of the national insurance system. A huge
bureaucracy has been erected to take on all the necessary central planning of
public and pseudo-private healthcare.
When Swedes go to
the polls every four years, they vote on three levels of government: national, landsting,
and kommun. A landsting is a regional mid-level
type of government and there are 20 of them. The landstings are
almost entirely devoted to managing public healthcare. They are always short on
funding and regularly make losses.
The advantage of a
free market system, as I am sure the venerable professor Frank knows, is that
supply and demand meet to form prices. These prices are signals to the
practitioners and tell them what their patients need and value most. If there
were a sudden surge in demand for open-heart surgery, the price of that service
would, ceteris paribus, rise. The practitioners would be motivated
by the rising price to move into fields where they can make higher profits.
More doctors would move to provide open-heart surgery, the capacity for
open-heart surgery would increase, the increased demand satisfied and the price
would drop again. Some people protest and think that it is immoral for doctors
to maximize profit and live well on other people’s medical problems. But why is
it any more immoral than farmers profiting from peoples’ hunger?
Thus, free-market
systems systematically allocate capacity (“supply”) and reallocate it quickly
to satisfy patients’ needs (“demand”). Due to competition it has the added
advantage of always striving for lower prices and higher quality. This
principle is as true for medical services as it is for cell phones or gardening
services.
The bureaucracy of
a public healthcare system cannot use market prices to allocate resources. It
must use some other means. First it will try to plan according to estimated
demand. It will try to guess the number of bone fractures, open-heart surgeries
and kidney transplants in the coming year. The estimates will invariably be
wrong, causing shortages in some places and overcapacity in others — at the
same — which translates into human suffering and economic waste.
Without the profit
motive, there is no incentive to adapt to reality, to utilize expensive
equipment to the optimum capacity, to improve the level of service, or treat
patients with dignity. All change will have to be pushed down from the planners
above by decree. Doctors and nurses will be frustrated because they are not
free to exercise their art to the best of their ability and help people as much
as they would like to. Many of the best leave for other fields.
It is impossible
to put a number on it, but it is obvious that the level of energy in the
medical professions in Sweden is low compared to America. It can be seen on
several levels, from doctors and even down to students. An American medical
student and friend of mine spent a year at a major Swedish hospital. He was
shocked when he realized that students never spent any of their spare time in
the operating room; there was no drive to become the best. There are of course
enthusiasts who love their work regardless, and do a fantastic job, but the
system is not conducive to this attitude.
Planning always
fails. The planners come to realize that the market is superior but they will
not back off. Rather they will try to mimic a market, using
trendy techniques such as “New Public Management,” voucher systems, or
healthcare exchanges. The results of these solutions are usually even more
disastrous than outright planning. In order to work, they will have to reduce
every medical condition to a code, every patient to an ID number, and every
procedure to planned (arbitrary) cost and income numbers.
It was recently
revealed in one of the major newspapers that doctors were told to prioritize
patients based on their value as future taxpayers. Old people naturally have a
low future-taxpayer-value, so they naturally became low priority in the machine
and less likely to receive proper treatment. In a private healthcare system you
can make your own priorities, you can for example sell your house and spend the
proceeds on becoming well. In a socialized system somebody else sets the
priorities.
As we know, every
planner-induced action gives rise to five equal, opposite, and unintended
reactions, each of which will be met with yet more planner-induced actions.
Eventually you end up with a broken system such as the Swedish one, where
service is “free,” but not accessible.
For non-emergency
cases in Sweden, you must go to the public “Healthcare Central.” This is always
the starting point for anything from the common flu to brain tumors. You must
go to your assigned Central, according to your healthcare district. Admission
is by appointment only. Usually they have a 30-minute window every morning,
when you call to claim one of the budgeted slots. Make sure to call early or
they run out. Rarely will you get an appointment for the same day. You will be
assigned a general practitioner, probably one you have never met before; likely
one who does not speak fluent Swedish; and very likely one who hates his job.
If you have a serious condition, you will be started on a path of referrals to
experts. This process can take months. Contrary to what professor Frank
believes this is not a “feature” of the system, to ensure maximum
capacity-utilization. This is an unavoidable characteristic of central
planning, analogous to Soviet bread lines, which nobody refers to as a
“feature.”
This healthcare
“bread line” is where people die. It happens regularly that by the time a
patient gets to see an expert, his condition has progressed beyond remedy. It
also happens frequently that referrals get lost. Bureaucracies create listless
employees, who don’t care, who refuse to go the extra mile, and who are never
responsible for failures.
If you have an
emergency you will go to the emergency room at one of the huge Soviet-size
hospitals. Professor Frank praises these monstrous facilities for providing
“economies of scale.” Stockholm had two huge hospitals. In 2004 they were
merged into one by a
big-name consulting firm. Of course the “merger” was a failure, so for many
years there have been discussions about splitting them up again.
The emergency room
is a different experience altogether. Unless you are suffocating or are
hemorrhaging profusely, you should expect to wait 5-7 hours to see a doctor.
You can only hope for this “high” level of service if you arrive on a workday
and during office hours. After hours, or on weekends, it is worse. Doctors are
mostly busy filling out forms for the central health care authorities,
scribbling codes in little boxes to report services rendered, instead of seeing
patients. There have been cases reported where patients have seen a doctor
immediately, but such cases are rare.
It is important to
plan any major health problems you intend to have outside of June, July, and
August, because during the summer months, hospitals are virtually shut down for
vacation.
Due to a lack of
profit motive, free services not only become bad but also very expensive. One
of the major banks (Swedbank) recently came out with a report stating that the
average earner pays about 70 percent tax of his income to the government,
including the invisible big chunk withheld from his paycheck. Because free
systems become more expensive with time and it is impossible to compensate by
constantly raising taxes, every year more conditions are classified as
non-life-threatening, and are therefore no longer covered.
In the final stage
of a central planning failure, the planners simply give up. They want to wash
their hands of the whole thing, and decide to “privatize” the services. In
practice, this means that they unload hospitals at fire sale prices to
well-connected “entrepreneurs.” The planners turn themselves into overseers and
guarantors of quality. This creates a highly protected “market” wherein the
“entrepreneurs” are only required to deliver government-quality services at
prices determined by what it would cost government to do the same. Obviously
this creates permanent margins so huge you could drive an ambulance through
them, and there is no competition to stop it.
This is a general
pattern that is seen not only in healthcare but also in all pseudo-privatized
and heavily regulated industries, such as education, pharmacies, and old-age
care.
When people find
out that the enormous profits are moved to tax havens they promptly demand that
profits in healthcare be outlawed and that government nationalizes the
industry. And then we have come full circle.
This process is
obvious in Sweden where there is now broad consensus across the political
spectrum and among media pundits that profits in healthcare, especially on tax
funds, are immoral and should be outlawed. It is likely that, in time, there
will be legislation to this effect.
The market for
private healthcare in Sweden is small. Few people can afford it since they
already pay 70 percent tax for all of their “free” stuff. The politicians have
private health care, though, naturally paid for by taxpayers. Apparently they
are such special people that the healthcare systems they have designed for
others are not good enough for them.
When I moved to
the U.S., our family health insurance took three months to kick in. One of my
family members broke a leg in this period. We found a “five-minute clinic” half
an hour away, had the leg X-rayed, straightened and casted, with no waiting
time — all for $200 cash. That kind of service is non-existent in Sweden. It is
an example of how a market, not yet totally destroyed by the state, can create
affordable and high quality services.
The reason
American insurance-based healthcare is so expensive is that it is heavily
regulated and legally connected to the equally-regulated insurance industry.
Both are well protected from competition by regulation. Obamacare will make
them even more expensive, bureaucratic, and inaccessible. The way to fix U.S.
healthcare is by excising the central planners and regulators from it, not by
implanting droves more of them.
I have seen (and
lived in) the future of American health care, and it does not work .
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