The veneer of a private sector is maintained as an ever more implausible façade for a hyper-regulated statism
It took me years of living in the United
States before I acclimated to certain uniquely American rituals. I noticed
early, standing in the pick-up line at CVS or Rite Aid, that it took more time
to collect a prescription than in any other country I've ever needed a bottle
of pills in. But it was a while longer before I was sufficiently bored to start
following the conversations of those two or three places ahead of me in line,
as they argued over 78-cent co-pays, or suggested the clerk had perhaps
transposed two of the insurance numbers, or explained that the problem might be
due to their employer having recently switched from Blue Cross to Cigna . . .
Filling a prescription in America is like going to a very fashionable
nightclub: You can never be entirely certain the doorman will let you in.
It happened to
a friend of mine the other day. Her monthly refill was denied late on a Friday
afternoon so she had the weekend to prepare herself for the Monday-morning bad
news that her health insurance had been canceled, without notification, and its
cancellation backdated a couple of months just to add to the fun. Long story.
They all are. Too long for this column, or indeed the average novella. Also
very complicated. That's one of the advantages of the system. I confess, as a
guest host for Rush Limbaugh on the radio, that my heart sinks a little
whenever a caller wishes to explain the particular indignities heaped upon him
by his health-care "provider," because generally it takes a good 20
minutes just to lay out the facts of the case, and even then it doesn't really
make sense. I don't like to think I'm a total idiot. When an ISI guy from
Islamabad expounds on the ever shifting tribal allegiances of North Waziristan,
I'm on top of every nuance. When a London tax expert explains money laundering
by Russian oligarchs through Guernsey and Nevis via Ireland and Cyprus, I can
pretty much keep up. But when a victim of American health care starts trying to
fill me in, round about 40 minutes in I have a strange urge to stab forks in my
eyeballs. Except then, of course, I'd have to go to an American hospital.
Foreigners
can't understand a word of an Obamacare conversation. The problem with health
care in most countries is that they're third-party systems, which are by
definition economically inefficient, whether the third party is government or
private insurance. But that would be too obvious for us. So in America there's
the patient and there's the doctor, and there's the insurer, who is provided
through the employer, who outsources it to an employee-benefits-management
company. By my count, that's a fifth-party system, on top of which Obamacare
adds a sixth.
And if,
somewhere between the party of the fifth part and the party of the fourth part,
things come apart, well, good luck with that. As my friend was told, over and
over, by the robot in customer service, "I'm just applying the new federal
rules."
You hear that a
lot these days. Unable to sleep the other night, I found myself reading the
2011 Federal Reserve rule "amending Regulation Z (Truth in Lending) to implement
amendments to the Truth in Lending Act (TILA) made by the Dodd Frank Wall
Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act":
The Board's
proposed rule provides flexibility in underwriting standards so that creditors
may adapt their underwriting processes to a consumer's particular
circumstances, such as to the needs of self-employed consumers and consumers
heavily dependent on bonuses and commissions, consistent with the Board's 2008
HOEPA Final Rule. See 73 FR 44522, 44547, July 30, 2008.
Sure, it sounds
boring, but wait till you see Amending
Regulation Z — The Musical. But here's the thing: Why should it be the job
of a Federal Reserve "rule" to "provide flexibility in
underwriting standards"? In a supposedly private banking system, shouldn't
the guy sitting across the desk from the customers be allowed to evaluate his
customers as individuals? Ah, but, as readers will have noticed, you can take
your credit application to the First National Bank of Dead Moose, the First
National Bank of West Dead Moose, and the First National Bank of Dead Moose
Junction, and they'll all give you the same answer. They can compete on
debit-card design and check-wallet color but ever less on banking services. For
most Americans, there are many banks with different names, but increasingly,
like the "private" health system, they're uniform enforcers of the
federal rules: From the customer's point of view, it's a government bank in all
but name.
Most countries
decay into statism through nationalization: Britain nationalized health care in
the late Forties, France nationalized the banks in the early Eighties. But
that's not the American way. So the veneer of a private sector is maintained as
an ever more implausible façade for a hyper-regulated statism: Big Government
at one remove, subcontracted to nominally private paperwork shufflers across
the land. In health care, banking, homeownership, college tuition, Americans
now enjoy considerably less freedom of movement than citizens of openly statist
nations in Europe.
As it happens,
these are all the areas of life the prudent man is enjoined to take care of:
Save for the future. Get an education. Buy property. Look after your health.
Remorseless governmentalization of all four sectors is part of the ever greater
sclerosis in America — and immensely time-consuming. My friend may well get her
health care back, after weeks of effort. But so much of life is like that now,
isn't it? Not the rough-and-tumble of a free society or the homogenized
mediocrity of socialism, but just the vast diversion of so much American energy
into shuffling around the regulatory obstacles to daily life.
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