Basta 'La Casta'
The Italian
economy may be the third largest in the euro zone, but it is also plagued by
inefficiency and continues to shrink. The country's political leadership has
proven unable to implement badly needed reforms and the future looks grim.
The euphoria was
evident. "We've done it!" Italian Prime Minister Enrico Letta tweeted
earlier this month after the European Commission had provided his country with
new financial leeway.
Letta had managed
to convince Brussels that Italy would remain below the European Union's budget
deficit limit of 3 percent of gross domestic product, if only by a hair, at a
forecast 2.9 percent. The premier insisted that his country finally had the
latitude to stimulate growth and promote new jobs, and that his administration
had achieved "perhaps the most important result" of all time. That
was at the beginning of July. Since then, politicians and lobbyists have been
energetically arguing over how to take advantage of the new opportunity.
Former Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi wants to abolish the property tax on first homes,
which would cost €4 billion. And if the government were to refrain from a
planned increase in the value-added tax, as has also been called for, it would
forfeit an additional €2 billion ($2.6 billion) in revenues. Letta and the
left, for their part, would like to invest €1.5 billion to create new jobs for
young unemployed Italians.
The debate, and
Letta's optimism, has temporarily obscured the difficult situation in which
Italy finds itself. All the ideas under discussion for stimulating the
country's economy will cost money -- and will require Rome to take on
additional debt. Indeed, Standart & Poor's recently showed its lack of
faith in the country when it downgraded Italian debt by a notch two weeks ago,
a move which infuriated Italians.
The truth is that
Italy, despite being the third-largest economy in the euro zone after Germany
and France, finds itself in dire straits, having been in decline for years. Its
GDP has dropped by 7 percent since 2007. The last few years, says Gianni Toniolo,
an economics professor in Rome, represent "the worst crisis in (the
country's) history," even more devastating that the period between 1929
and 1934.
Even More
Pessimistic
Last fall, the
situation looked to be improving, to the point that then Prime Minister Mario
Monti promised that "things will improve next year." But those hopes
have now faded. The government has reduced its growth expectations for the
current year to minus 1.3 percent. The Bank of Italy, the country's central
bank, is even more pessimistic, forecasting economic contraction of 1.9
percent.
But economic
growth only tells part of the story. More than half a million industrial jobs
have been lost since 2007, and 15 percent of the country's industrial capacity
is gone, says Luca Paolazzi, head of research for Confindustria, Italy's
leading industry association. Some sectors have lost even more capacity, with
the automobile industry having declined by 40 percent. According to Paolazzi,
Italy is experiencing an "unprecedented process of deindustrialization."
But why? Many
products that are made in Italy are still in demand internationally, and not
just Armani suits or the Fiat 500. Furthermore, Italy, like Germany, has been
able to increase its exports in the last three years.
But while exports
boosted domestic production in Germany, the same did not happen in Italy.
Italian experts attribute this to the growing tendency to produce elements of
export goods in Southeast Asia, Poland and Turkey. Many companies merely use
plants in Italy to assemble parts made in factories abroad.
This is depleting
the country's traditional industrial regions. Take, for example, Fabriano, a
small city of 30,000 in the Adriatic region known for its "white
goods," like refrigerators, ranges and washing machines. Fabriano used to
be "a rich community, Italy's Switzerland," says Mayor Giancarlo
Sagramola, "until the euro arrived."
Weeping and
Praying
It used to be
standard procedure for Italy to devalue its currency, the lira, to offset
rising production costs. That, though, is no longer possible resulting in
bankruptcy for some companies. Antonio Merloni SpA in Fabriano is one of them;
it employed 5,000 people in its heyday.
To avoid this fate
Indesit, another company based in Fabriano -- whose founders and principal shareholders
are from the Merloni family -- shifted some of its production abroad, keeping
only 2,900 of 6,500 jobs in Italy. In early June, the company announced plans
to slash almost half of those remaining jobs.
Those affected by
the cuts wept, prayed, wrote petitions and occupied the plant for a few hours.
And the mayor knows what the latest bloodletting means for his city: even more
unemployment and larger holes in his municipal budget. He doesn't even have the
money to repair broken heating systems in municipal buildings, says Sagramola.
Indesit employees fear that the recently announced layoffs will quickly be
followed by the next step: the discontinuation of production of Italy
altogether.
But what can
protests, tears and prayers do against production and investment conditions
that are simply no longer competitive internationally? Wages aren't the
problem. They are 15 percent lower than Belgian and French wages and 30 percent
lower than wages in Germany, according to a current Bank of Italy comparison. But
according to Confindustria, the Italian economy faces a tax burden that is 20
percent higher than in Germany. And unit labor costs are about 30 percent
higher than German levels, say central bank officials.
The banks, fearful
of bankruptcies, are cutting back commercial lending. Even the government isn't
paying its bills, with several hundred billion euros in current outstanding
financial obligations. It is a dangerous situation, particularly for smaller
companies.
Ever Deeper
Barring
fundamental change, the country will go bankrupt, fear economists like Clemens
Fuest, president of the Center for European Economic Research (ZEW) in the
southwestern German city of Mannheim. The vicious cycle of recession,
unemployment and steadily declining purchasing power is driving the Mediterranean country ever
deeper into crisis.
More than eight
million Italians already live below the poverty line, including many who are
still employed. The CGIA research institute in Mestre, near Venice, found that
one in two small businesses was only able to pay its employees in installments.
Three out of five companies are forced to take out loans to pay their high tax
bills.
The efforts to
introduce reform by the so-called government of experts, under economist and
former European Commissioner Monti, did little to alleviate the problems. Monti,
who took over the country from Silvio Berlusconi in November
2011, proved adept at first aid, succeeded in bringing down dangerously high
interest rates on Italian sovereign debt. He likewise pushed through a pension
reform that increased the retirement age to 66. Monti also improved government
revenues by raising taxes even further.
But the country's
structural problems remained. They include, in addition to the tax burden, a
bloated bureaucracy that obstructs almost all economic activity, an inefficient
judiciary that deters potential investors with trials that can last for
decades, a relatively low education level and a poor infrastructure
characterized by potholed streets, an energy supply prone to failure,
constantly delayed trains and outmoded communication networks.
As a result, Italy
continues to fall behind internationally as a place to invest. It is now 44th
in the World Competitiveness Center (WCC) ranking, below the Philippines,
Latvia, Russia and Peru, and only slightly above Spain and Portugal.
Withdrawing from
the Euro?
Improving the
situation will be no easy task. In a 26-page report commissioned by the Italian
president, four "wise men" from Italy's political arena recently
listed the needed reforms. But few of their proposals were new. In its country
report on Italy, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) likewise included a large number of suggestions, such as labor market
reforms. It also urged the government to reduce spending instead of constantly
raising taxes. But it was to no avail.
A few days ago,
Prime Minister Letta unveiled a thick package of reform proposals. But whether
they will ever be implemented is questionable. Nothing is moving, the country
is at a standstill, complains Bank of Italy Governor Ignazio Visco. He says the
country is "already 25 years behind."
Italy's real
affliction, though, is politics. "La Casta," as Italians dismissively
refer to the leadership in Rome, is partly corrupt, partly ideologically
pig-headed and mostly unwilling to compromise. Even the current administration
seems incapable of pursuing reform.
The only reason
the deeply hostile left and right joined forces is that there was no other
solution after the elections in the spring. Berlusconi rejects what "the
communists" want, and the left feels the same way about Berlusconi.
Experts like ZEW President Fuest fear that the situation inevitably means that
Italy's debt ratio will continue to rise.
Populists like
Berlusconi and the founder of the "Five Star" protest movement, Beppe
Grillo, are not the only ones advocating the most radical of all solutions for
Italy's problems. The country has "a lot of vitality and great
potential," says US economist and policy advisor Allen Sinai, but it can
only benefit from these strengths "by withdrawing from the euro."
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