A jeweler kills
an escaping robber in Nice, and ignites a debate about how to handle crime in
France
"Revenge is a kind of wild justice," said Francis Bacon,
"which the more a man's heart runs to, the more ought law to weed it
out." But what if that law, far from weeding it out, fertilizes and
irrigates it by excessive leniency towards criminals?
In France the current minister of justice, Christiane Taubira, is
determined to reduce the number of law-breakers sentenced to imprisonment,
despite a recent steep rise in burglaries. By no means does all of the French
public approve. Many want severe and unequivocal punishment of criminals, in
the absence of which they approve—with varying degrees of reluctance or
enthusiasm—of victims taking the law into their own hands.
This was illustrated to perfection recently in the case of Stéphan Turk in
Nice. Just over a week ago, the jeweler, of Lebanese extraction, shot dead one
of the two armed robbers who had threatened him with what looked like an
automatic weapon. Mr. Turk pulled the trigger as they were making their escape,
having relieved him of money and jewels. Mr. Turk was subsequently arrested and
charged with voluntary homicide.
A page was set up on Facebook in support of the jeweler, and within a week
it had accumulated 1.6 million "likes." There has been nothing
remotely like this in France before: Evidently the case touched a very raw
nerve. Some of the Facebook messages of support of Turk have been startling in
their vehemence. "He should be given the Légion d'honneur," writes
one supporter. "One parasite less," observes another. "No
justice for them, just a bullet in the head. Sick of being bothered by little
s—." Also: "It's deplorable that we should have to kill these scum
ourselves." "The only thing I reproach the jeweler with is that he
didn't get the other," wrote another of Mr. Turk's supporters.
These supporters don't really care whether Mr. Turk killed in self-defense
or from sheer vengefulness. The former would be a defense in law but the latter
would not be. Mr. Turk told the police that he shot twice at the motor scooter
in an attempt to immobilize it, and it was only when one of the robbers turned
to him in a threatening way with his automatic weapon that Mr. Turk shot him
dead.
Mr. Turk, who has no criminal record, had no license for the gun and
therefore was on the wrong side of the law when he used it. And if he really
believed that the robbers had an automatic weapon with them, surely it would
have been foolish to shoot at all, except to kill. It seems
more likely that he acted on an entirely understandable angry impulse, which
has now drawn strong support from jewelers and other shopkeepers from all over
France, exasperated by such robberies, as well as the general public, who don't
really care any longer about the niceties of the law.
For those on the other side of the leniency-versus-severity divide of the
debate, Mr. Turk is a worse criminal than the initial robbers, for murder is a
worse crime than robbery—even armed robbery. The left-wing newspaper
Libération, having just reminded its readers that Mr. Turk's action was against
the rule of law, did not hesitate in calling Mr. Turk a criminal and a
murderer—though in the eyes of the law whose rule it had just extolled, he is
still an innocent man.
The man whom Mr. Turk killed, Anthony Asli, would have been 20 in October.
According to Le Monde he looked 16, and in the words of his understandably
distressed father he was still "a little boy." But this little boy
already had 14 convictions (which means that he must have committed at least 50
crimes), among them robbery with violence. He had, not long before his death,
come out of prison for the theft of a motor scooter. Between coming out of
prison and being killed, he had time to make his girlfriend, two years older
than he, pregnant. The armed robbery he committed against Mr. Turk did not bode
well for his future: If ever there was a murderer in the making, it was he.
Both sides of the leniency-versus-severity debate will draw comfort and sustenance
from Asli's trajectory. According to his girlfriend, each time he came out of
prison he was a little less light-hearted and more inclined to secrecy—in other
words more determined than ever to pursue his life of crime. The justice
minister, Christiane Taubira, will therefore see Asli's life history as
precisely the kind of evidence that prison does not work, thus justifying her
calls to reduce the use of prison as a punishment.
On the other side of the divide, of course, they will see the leniency of a
system that releases a man with a history of violence only a short time after
his 14th conviction as preposterous and even cruel. Fourteen convictions,
including for violence, is surely enough to conclude that a young man is set on
a criminal career, and that a long sentence would not in itself be unjust. If
he had received such a sentence, he would still be alive and Stéphan Turk would
not be under house arrest. A long sentence would have meant release in his 30s
or 40s, at the age at which criminality almost always ceases spontaneously. He
might even have had the opportunity to receive an education.
In other words, leniency is not necessarily generous and kind, nor is
severity necessarily primitive and vicious. But the left in France
characterizes those in favor of greater severity as virtually fascist; it is
quite unable to see that its own policy brings about the very exasperation so
manifest in the messages on Facebook.
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