The aim of the IPCC is to freeze political debate
By Tim Black
This Friday, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) is set to publish the first instalment of its three-part, 2,000-page
draught-excluder, the memorably titled Fifth
Assessment. This, like its predecessor, which was published at the height
of climate-change mania in 2007, will tell us ‘unequivocally’ that climate
change is happening, that the situation is perilous, and that there is a
sliding scale of bad scenarios awaiting us in the warmed-up future.
As such, the prophecies leaked from the draft version
sound a comfortably familiar note of terror, like the ever-resurrected bad guy
in a tired horror-movie franchise. We’ll be told that the glaciers are melting
quicker than thought, that sea levels could rise by three feet and that
temperatures could rise up to 4.8 degrees Celsius this century. And, on the
back of The Science, the old alarmist lags have once again been demanding that
we do something. In the words of Lord Stern, author of the environmentally
friendly The Stern Review in 2006, we need to decide what ‘kind
of world we want to present to our children and grandchildren’. That is, one
scorched by our present greed or saved by our cutting back.
That’s the point of the IPCC’s infrequent assessments.
They constitute the Word of a very secular God, the expert, the scientist. They
tell us what we ought to do. No questioning. No debate. And therefore, no
politics.
But there’s one big fat sceptical fly stuck in the
IPCC’s ointment. And that’s the small matter of a distinct absence of global
warming over the past 15 years, despite the IPCC’s models insisting otherwise.
In December 2012, for instance, the UK Met Office released a forecast
suggesting that not only have global temperatures not risen for over a decade
but that they are unlikely to rise significantly in the period up to 2017.
Likewise, earlier this year, even someone as committed to climate-change
alarmism as James Hansen, the recently retired head of NASA’s climate-change
research arm, admitted that the ‘five-year-mean global temperature has been
flat for the last decade’.
In the draft version of the report, the IPCC does
acknowledge that the ‘the rate of warming over the past 15 years is smaller
than the trend since 1951’. In fact, the IPCC now admits that the rate of
warming between 1998 and 2012 was about half the average rate since 1951. And
as it stands, no one is quite certain why this is, with everything from the
oceans’ ability to absorb heat to the solar cycle being blamed.
This admission poses a problem for the politicians and
campaigners who have been busy using The Science, with the IPCC its chief
vessel on Earth, to justify their political visions. It looks as if things are
not as straightforward as they have desperately been wanting us to believe.
Little wonder then, as the Associated Press reports, that several governments
have been objecting to the way the global-warming ‘pause’ has been presented by
the IPCC. Germany, with the distinctly green Chancellor Merkel at the helm,
wanted any reference to the slowdown in global warming to be deleted; the US
wanted everything to be attributed to an oceanic heat transfer; and Belgium was
annoyed that 1998 was registered as the start of the ‘pause’ because, well, the
government felt it was really hot that year.
For critics - variously described by climate-change
advocates as ‘sceptics’ or even ‘deniers’ - the IPCC’s problems, and the
palpable interference of governments in what is often presented as a purely
science-led process, shows that the science is not really as scientific as is
made out. Rather, say the critics, the science has been compromised by
politics: it has been politicised.
In a way, of course, this is true. The status of the
IPCC’s reports as the unvarnished truth, to be acted upon by governments and
citizens alike, has always been a myth. For a start, the IPCC, and those
closely associated with its championing, are not exactly experts in
climatology. Lord Stern, for instance, is an economist, and the chairman of the
IPCC, Rajendra Pachauri, is a railway engineer. Moreover, as the Fourth Assessment revealed, the research, such as it
was, was too often made to fit the global-warming agenda rather than to
determine it. This was exemplified by a falsehood about Himalayan glaciers
melting in just a few decades that was lifted from New Scientist magazine rather than peer-reviewed
studies. Indeed, as Canadian journalist and author Donna Laframboise told spiked in 2012, 30 per cent of the references
in theFourth Assessment were
from newspaper and magazine articles, unpublished master’s theses, reports
produced by green groups, and even press releases. The IPCC’s science was
selected to fit the argument, not the other way around.
But there’s a bigger problem here than the IPCC’s
consistently dodgy science, underpinned by behind-the-scenes politicking.
Because while it’s partially right to say that the IPCC has always been a
thoroughly politicised institution, rather than a purely scientific one, that
isn’t the main issue. The important thing to grasp is that the IPCC has
acquired this role, this supreme policy-determining function, in the absence of
politics proper. The science of climate change has, over the past two decades,
become a substitute for political argument, a means to justify and legitimate
policies and politicians. Whereas once a political vision, an idea of the good
life, might have guided a set of policies, now it is The Science, and a
modelled idea of the not-so-good life, which determines policies.
Climate-change science is therefore called upon to fill in the big ideas-shaped
hole at the heart of contemporary public and political life. It is there to
tell us, and our rulers, what to do. The IPCC exists because of a profound
political need for it to.
The problem, then, is not that the IPCC is too
political. Rather, it’s that the debate about the future, about what kind of
society we want to live in, is not political enough. Just as facts cannot give
rise to values, the science will never be able to tell us what we ought to do.
That remains a question for the people, not the experts.
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