When Edward Snowden first revealed the
spying the NSA has been conducting on what was then thought to be only
customers of Verizon, the government was embarrassed, but it reluctantly
acknowledged that Snowden revealed a truth. He had, after all, displayed an
accurate and faithful copy of a judicial order signed by a FISA Court judge
directing Verizon to give billing information to NSA agents about its
113,000,000 American customers.
Not to
worry, the government’s apologists offered, this is only telephone
macro-metadata, meaning information about who spoke to whom, when they talked
and for how long, and where they were when they talked, but not what they
actually said to each other. When Gen. Keith Alexander, the head of the NSA,
stated under oath at a House hearing that his spies lack the authority to capture
content, he avoided addressing whether they have the ability to do so, because
he knows they do. His boss, James Clapper, the director of national
intelligence and a less finessed liar than the general, said under oath at a
Senate hearing flatly that the feds were not gathering massive amounts of data
about hundreds of millions of Americans, when he knew that they were. And
President Obama himself has stated on a few occasions that the government “is
not reading” your emails or “listening” to your phone conversations, even
though he knows they can.
Since the
essence of spying is stealing and keeping secrets, we should not be surprised
when that essence is supported by deception and lying. But lying to one’s
employers (the American people) is a fireable offense, and lying under oath (to
Congress) is a criminal offense. And a government that lies over and over again
to the people it is lawfully obliged to serve is not believable and leads to
lawlessness.
Obama
should have known better than to use Clintonesque language by denying that
something “is” happening at the moment he is discussing it. In reality, Obama
knows his spies have exceeded their authority under even a broad reading of the
Patriot Act and the FISA laws and have grossly failed to comply with their
oaths to uphold the Fourth Amendment.
That
amendment — which requires judicially issued search warrants based on
identifiable probable cause of unlawful behavior, warrants that particularly
describe the place to be searched or the person or thing to be seized — was
written to prevent all governmental dragnets, fishing expeditions, warrantless
invasions of privacy and general warrants (those, like the FISA Court warrants,
that do not name the place to be searched or the person or thing to be seized).
It was animated by the Framers’ determination to prevent the new federal
government from doing to Americans what the British had done to the colonists.
However,
in some of my conversations with folks in the government, I have learned that
when the government gathers intelligence in order to prevent the future
occurrence of an act of domestic terror, as opposed to when it gathers evidence
in order to solve a crime that has already been committed, it believes it is not subject to
the constraints of the Fourth Amendment.
The feds
have based their massive spying apparatus on a secretly stated and utterly
ignoble lie — that the Constitution only restrains them when they are engaged
in criminal investigations, and not for any other purposes. Such an argument is
Stalinesque in its sweep, has no support in history, law or Supreme Court
jurisprudence, and is a subterfuge concocted to dupe the public, the media and
the judiciary into overlooking, accepting and authorizing the broadest
governmental assault on constitutionally protected freedoms since the Alien and
Sedition Acts.
We know
that the Fourth Amendment was written to restrain the government for all
purposes because the British government tormented the Framers and violated
their right to privacy for many non-criminal-based governmental purposes, such
as tax collecting, speech suppressing and intelligence gathering. The
government’s argument, if accepted, would permit the government to engage in a
vast array of unlawful human indignities from torture to pre-crime detention to
the presence of the government in the bedroom, the boardroom and the
confessional, so long as it was not trying to solve a crime. The reason you
probably have not heard this argument is that the feds will only make it in
secret to their favorite secret court.
In March
2009, Judge Reggie B. Walton, the chief judge of that secret court, the FISA
Court, complained in secret about what the court had been told in secret. In
that court, only NSA agents and Department of Justice lawyers appear. The court’s only source for its
facts and legal arguments is the NSA. We don’t know what deceptions the NSA
visited on the court from which it receives general warrants and the
involvement of which forms a basis for Obama’s laughable argument that his
spies are supervised by the judiciary. But we know that Walton was lied to.
He wrote:
“To approve such a program, the Court must have every confidence that the
government is doing its utmost to ensure that those responsible for
implementation fully comply with the Court’s wishes. The Court no longer has
such confidence.”
Walton
undoubtedly knew then what we know now: that the NSA has in its possession the content of every
telephone conversation, text message and email sent into, out of or within the
United States in the past two and a half years. And it has shared all of that
with other government agencies and foreign governments. And it has lied to him
in order to get all that.
Is this
the government the Framers gave us? Or has it been perverted beyond
recognition? What shall we do about it?
Thomas
Paine, when confronted with British government-orchestrated assaults on liberty
not nearly as pervasive as this NSA spying, remarked that it is the duty of the
patriot to protect the liberties of his countrymen from their government. Where are those patriots when we need them?
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