The ultimate audacity of conspiracy mongers is to advertise themselves as victims of conventional wisdom
By Fabio Rafael Fiallo
Putting the blame
of Europe's economic woes on sinister forces operating behind the scenes has
always had its charm and its advocates. Suffice it to recall General de
Gaulle's invectives against what he used to name the "gnomes of Zürich,"
i.e. the financial markets, guilty in his view of the travails of the French
franc in the 1960s.
The crisis that
the Eurozone is currently going through has provided a unique terrain for
conspiracy theories to blossom one more time. A race is on among politicians
and economists who try to identify which sly interests have created or
prolonged the current economic turmoil in the southern countries of the
Eurozone.
For conspiracy
mongers, the crisis owes little, or even nothing, to the fact that the sovereign
debt of southern European countries had taken them to the point of
near-insolvency. Plot theorists brush aside the fact that markets had reasons
to be afraid of never seeing their money back and, as a result, raised
significantly the interests on those countries' sovereign bonds.
The true mover of
the markets, according to conspiracy designers, was a perverse desire to subdue
European countries of the Mediterranean bank, and for that matter the Eurozone
altogether.
Thus, at the
beginning of the Greek crisis, the Prime Minister of the time, George
Papandreou, was loath to recognize the responsibility of the State, and that of
his own party, in his country's predicament. He chose instead to accuse
external forces of maliciously attacking Greece's government bonds and banks.
In the same
fashion, when markets became distrustful of Spain's solvency, the intelligence
services of that country reportedly initiated an enquiry aimed at identifying
the foreign forces that had engineered the rise in interest rates charged on
government bonds.
A convenient
culprit was swiftly found. Conspirators had their headquarters, not in Zurich
as in de Gaulle's time, but in the Anglo-Saxon financial and media
establishment. The ulterior motive, we were told, was to sink the euro. Proof
of the plot: markets had engaged in massive short-selling of the single
currency, bringing down the value of the euro vis-à-vis other world currencies,
notably the dollar.
What is intriguing, and indeed funny, is the fact that, among those who saw the
sovereign-debt crisis as the result of a despicable Anglo-Saxon conspiracy to
sink the euro, there were many who now advocate the depreciation of the euro as
a means of enhancing the international competitiveness of the Eurozone.
Here we are at a
loss. How can conspiracy mongers vituperate against short-selling of the euro,
which makes the value of the single currency fall, and subsequently, when it
comes to proposing a solution, many of them call for pushing the value of the
euro down in order to restore the competitiveness of the zone? Furthermore, how
is it that the conspiracy mongers who used to denounce the existence of a
perfidious plan to sink the value of the euro now accuse the European Central
Bank of refusing to work towards the depreciation of the single currency?
Be that as it may,
as a result of the financial support provided to debt-stricken countries of the
Eurozone through the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), markets regained some
degree of confidence in the repayment capacity of these countries. Pressures on
the euro have eased accordingly.
Did conspiracy
mongers give up their claims? Not quite. They simply changed targets.
The alleged plot
against the Eurozone is no longer aimed at annihilating the euro but, rather,
at dismantling the European "social model" (read: the profligate
entitlement system that prevails in a number of countries of the region) by
imposing "quasi-criminal" austerity policies on debt-stricken
countries.
What about the
ulterior motive? Conspiracy mongers found that too. The purpose is to force the
privatization of pensions and other social services, thereby enabling private
pension funds and insurance corporations to capture the market left by the
collapse of Europe's social security system.
The argumentation
doesn't make sense. If the public budgets of debt-stricken countries continue
in perpetual deficit, public pensions and other State-provided services will,
sooner rather than later, cease to be affordable. Putting the government's
financial house in order is thus a means of salvaging publicly-funded social
benefits. What can bring the European "social model" to collapse is
not austerity but profligacy.
To rebut this
fact, conspiracy mongers take on what they conveniently present as manipulated
conventional wisdom. Mainstream economics, they argue, advocates budget
equilibrium because it is shaped to suit vested interests, namely those that
seek to take over the market of pensions and health services.
This is creative
conspiracy at its best -- or at its weirdest. For if there is something that
can be regarded as today's conventional wisdom, it is not "austerity"
but the opposite thereof, namely: stimulus packages à la Obama and Shinzo Abe
and quantitative easing à la Bernanke and Kuroda.
The ultimate
audacity of conspiracy mongers is to advertise themselves as victims of
conventional wisdom. As a matter of fact, to a large extent, they form part of
it.
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