Why Millennials are headed to the Suburbs
One supposed trend, much celebrated in the media, is that younger people
are moving back to the city, and plan to stay there for the rest of their
lives. Retirees are reportedly following suit.
Urban
theorists such as Peter Katz have maintained that millennials (the generation
born after 1983) show little interest in “returning to the cul-de-sacs of their
teenage years.” Manhattanite Leigh Gallagher, author of the dismally
predictable book The Death of Suburbs, asserts
with certitude that “millennials hate the suburbs” and prefer more
eco-friendly, singleton-dominated urban environments.
Green
activists hope this parting of the ways between the new generation and the
preferences of their parents will prove permanent. The environmental magazine Grist even envisions “a hero generation” that will escape the material trap of
suburban living and work that engulfed their parents.
Less
idealistic types, notably on Wall Street, see profit in this new order, hoping
to capitalize on what Morgan Stanley’s Oliver Chang dubs a “rentership society”; in this scenario millennials remain
serfs paying rent permanently to the investor class.
But a close
look at migration data reveals that the reality is much more complex. The
millennial “flight” from suburbia has not only been vastly overexaggerated, it
fails to deal with what may best be seen as differences in preferences
correlated with life stages.
We can tell
this because we can follow the first group of millennials who are now entering
their 30s, and it turns out that they are beginning, like preceding
generations, to move to the suburbs.
We asked
demographer Wendell Cox to
crunch the latest demographic data for us to determine where people have moved
by age cohort from 2007 to 2012. The data reveals the obvious: People do not
maintain the same preferences all their lives; their needs change as they get
older, have children and, finally, retire. Each stage leads them toward
somewhat different geographies.
As it turns
out, the vast majority of young people in their late teens and 20s – over 80
percent — live outside core cities. Roughly 38 percent of young Americans live
in suburban areas, while another 45 percent live outside the largest
metropolitan areas, mostly in smaller metro areas.
To be sure,
core urban areas do attract the young more than other age cohorts. Among people
aged 15 to 29 in 2007, there is a clear movement to the core cities five years
later in 2012 — roughly a net gain of 2 million. However, that’s only 3 percent
of the more than 60 million people in this age group.
Surprisingly,
most of this movement to the urban centers comes not from suburbs, but from
outside the largest metro areas, reflecting the movement of people from areas
with perhaps lower economic opportunity. It also is likely reflective of the
intrinsic appeal of metro areas to younger, single people, as well as the
presence of many major universities and colleges in older “legacy cities.”
Here’s how
the geography of aging works. People are most likely to move to the core cities
in their early 20s, but this migration peters out as people enter the end of
that often tumultuous decade. By their 30s, they move increasingly to the
suburbs, as well as outside the major metropolitan areas (the 52 metropolitan
areas with a population over 1,000,000 in 2010).
This pattern
breaks with the conventional wisdom but dovetails with research conducted by
Frank Magid and Associates that finds that millennials prefer suburbs long-term
as “their ideal place to live” by a margin of 2 to 1 over cities.
Based on
past patterns, by the time people enter their 50s, the entire gain to the core
cities that builds up in the 20s all but dissipates, as more people move to
suburbs and to outside the largest metropolitan areas.
Similarly
millennials have not, as some hope, given up on home ownership, something
closely associated with suburbia. Magid’s surveys of older, married millennials
found their desire to own a home was actually stronger than in
previous generations. Another survey by the online banking company TD Bank found that 84 percent of renters aged 18 to 34 intend
to purchase a home in the future, while another, by Better Homes and Gardens,
found that three in four identified homeownership as “a key indicator of
success.”
These
attitudes, particularly among the older edge of the millennials, is
particularly critical, as these are the first of this largest generation in
American history to enter full adulthood. Indeed the peak of the millennial
generation is already in their mid-20s, and by the end of the decade, the vast
majority of the roughly 42 million millennials will be entering their 30s, with
some approaching their 40s. This group of mature millennials (adding in the
20-24 cohort) is expected to expand by 22.5 million in the next 10 years. They
are likely to prove wrong the argument that, with boomers entering their sunset
years, there will be no one to buy their houses.
In contrast,
the next wave of young people — now under 10 — will be about 1.7 million less
numerous. These “plurals” are likely to stay in the suburbs for the next five
to 10 years, and some wil start moving into core cities as they enter their
20s, but in decidedly fewer numbers.
Perhaps the
most salient fact driving these migratory patterns is family formation. Our
analyses of cities around the world have shown definitively that people with
children tend to avoid urban cores, even in the most gentrified
environments. Manhattan, Washington, D.C., San Francisco and Seattle tend to
have the lowest numbers of children per capita.
These trends
can be seen on a nationwide basis. Among the cohort of children under 10 in
2007, the number who lived in core cities as of 2012, when they were 5 to 14
years of age, was down by 550,000. Families are the group most likely to move
either to the suburbs or smaller towns. This movement, plus the high degree of
childlessness in large urban cores, suggests that many of those who are leaving
the core cities in their early 30s are parents with young children.
And what
about the older cohorts, notably the baby boomers, who, along with millennials,
dominate the nation’s demography? The shift out to the suburbs and to outside
the larger metropolitan areas does not stop with the child-bearing years but
gains more traction with age, peaking in the early 60s. At this stage, only
half as many seniors, on a percentage basis, live in core cities compared to
people in their early 20s. Overall, the core cities are home to approximately
15% of the U.S. population, but that falls to under 12% of the population in
the 64- to 79-year-old demographic.
This is not
to say that most older people leave the suburbs. Almost 40 percent of seniors
remain in suburban areas. Nevertheless there is some movement among the senior
population, and among aging boomers, not “back to the city” as common alleged
but actually towards the non-metropolitan areas, where costs are often lower
and the pace of life slower. Among those now in their 60s, nearly half live
outside the major metropolitan areas, four times as many as live in the urban
core.
What do
these finding suggest about the geography of aging? First, it makes clear that
many people’s preferences change as they age: In aggregate there is a slight
tendency toward core cities in the late teens and 20s, and then, to suburbs and
outside the major metropolitan after that. Second, it seems clear that older
Americans leave core cities all the way to their 70s rather than cluster there,
as is often maintained in the media.
The
demographic picture that emerges is complex, but suggests the best way for
metropolitan areas to “lure” people — and companies — may be to encourage a
wide range of housing lifestyles, ranging from inner city to suburban and
exurban/rural. The urban pundit class may never change their preferences or
abandon their claims of a secular “back to the city” trend, but in aggregate,
people, it appears, do tend to change preferences as they age, something rarely
acknowledged but certain to shape our geography for decades to come.
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