Saturday, June 18, 2011

A Quest for Civility

Politics and the Anatomy of Hate
By Peter Wehner
In 1990 the former dissident, playwright and president of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Havel, delivered a speech  on “The Anatomy of Hate.”
“People who hate, at least those I have known, harbor a permanent, irradicable feeling of injury, a feeling that is, of course, out of all proportion to reality,” according to Havel. He went on to say:
In the subconsciousness of haters there slumbers a perverse feeling that they alone possess the truth, that they are some kind of superhumans or even gods, and thus deserve the world’s complete recognition, even its complete submissiveness and loyalty, if not its blind obedience. They want to be the centre of the world and are constantly frustrated and irritated because the world does not accept and recognize them as such; indeed, it may not even pay any attention to them, and perhaps it even ridicules them.
Havel then widens the aperture in order to deal with collective hatred. “Anyone who hates an individual is almost always capable of succumbing to group hatred or even of spreading it,” Havel warned. “I would even say that group hatred be it religious, ideological or doctrinal, social, national or any other kind is a kind of funnel that ultimately draws into itself everyone disposed toward hatred.”
There are many states of mind that create the almost unnoticeable antecedents to potential hatred, according to Havel, “a wide and fertile field on which the seeds of hatred will quickly germinate and take root.” They include situations in which genuine injustice has been done, the capacity of the human species to (carelessly) generalize, and the awareness of the “otherness” among people of different backgrounds and cultures. Havel concludes his speech by warning that “the corner of the world I came from could become – if we do not maintain vigilance and common sense – fertile soil in which collective hatred could blossom.  Fortunately in America today the kind of collective hatred Havel warns about hasn’t really taken root. But his words are nonetheless worth reflecting on in the context of modern American politics. The reason is simple: politics often stirs up intense feelings. This makes perfect sense, given that it involves issues of power and consent, liberty and order, rights and duties, ethics and morality. A huge amount, including our way of life, hinges on how political matters resolve themselves. People are right to feel strongly about these things.

The Rockefeller World Order and the "High Priests of Globalization"

Bilderberg 2011
by Andrew Gavin Marshall
"To say we were striving for a one-world government is exaggerated, but not wholly unfair. Those of us in Bilderberg felt we couldn't go on forever fighting one another for nothing and killing people and rendering millions homeless. So we felt that a single community throughout the world would be a good thing.[1]"
- Denis Healey, 30-year member of the Steering  Committee of the Bilderberg Group
 
The ‘Foundations’ of the Bilderberg Group
The Bilderberg Group, formed in 1954, was founded in the Netherlands as a secretive meeting held once a year, drawing roughly 130 of the political-financial-military-academic-media elites from North America and Western Europe as “an informal network of influential people who could consult each other privately and confidentially.”[2] Regular participants include the CEOs or Chairman of some of the largest corporations in the world, oil companies such as Royal Dutch Shell, British Petroleum, and Total SA, as well as various European monarchs, international bankers such as David Rockefeller, major politicians, presidents, prime ministers, and central bankers of the world.[3] The Bilderberg Group acts as a “secretive global think-tank,” with an original intent to “to link governments and economies in Europe and North America amid the Cold War.”[4]
 In the early 1950s, top European elites worked with selected American elites to form the Bilderberg Group in an effort to bring together the most influential people from both sides of the Atlantic to advance the cause of ‘Atlanticism’ and ‘globalism.’ The list of attendees were the usual suspects: top politicians, international businessmen, bankers, leaders of think tanks and foundations, top academics and university leaders, diplomats, media moguls, military officials, and Bilderberg also included several heads of state, monarchs, as well as senior intelligence officials, including top officials of the CIA, which was the main financier for the first meeting in 1954.[5]
 The European founders of the Bilderberg Group included Joseph Retinger and Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands. Prince Bernhard had, incidentally, been a member of the Nazi Party until 1934, three years prior to his marrying the Dutch Queen Juliana, and had also worked for the German industrial giant, I.G. Farben, the maker of Zyklon B, the gas used in concentration camps.[6] On the American side, those who were most prominent in the formation of the Bilderberg Group were David Rockefeller, Dean Rusk (a top official with the Council on Foreign Relations who was then the head of the Rockefeller Foundation), Joseph Johnson (another Council leader who was head of the Carnegie Endowment), and John J. McCloy (a top Council leader who became Chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank in 1953 and was also Chairman of the Board of the Ford Foundation).[7]
 The fact that the major American foundations – Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Ford – were so pivotal in the origins of the Bilderberg Group is not a mere coincidence. The foundations have, since their founding at the beginning of the 20th century, been the central institutions in constructing consensus among elites, and creating consent to power. They are, in short, the engines of social engineering: both for elite circles specifically, and society as a whole, more generally. As Professor of Education Robert F. Arnove wrote in his book Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism:
 Foundations like Carnegie, Rockefeller, and Ford have a corrosive influence on a democratic society; they represent relatively unregulated and unaccountable concentrations of power and wealth which buy talent, promote causes, and, in effect, establish an agenda of what merits society’s attention. They serve as “cooling-out” agencies, delaying and preventing more radical, structural change. They help maintain an economic and political order, international in scope, which benefits the ruling-class interests of philanthropists and philanthropoids – a system which... has worked against the interests of minorities, the working class, and Third World peoples.[8]

Good wars, Bad wars and everything in between

TOO BIG TO WIN     
By Mark Steyn
Why can’t America win wars? It’s been two-thirds of a century since we saw (as President Obama vividly put it) “Emperor Hirohito coming down and signing a surrender to MacArthur.” And, if that’s not quite how you remember it, forget the formal guest list, forget the long-form surrender certificate, and try to think of “winning” in a more basic sense.
The United States is currently fighting, to one degree or another, three wars. Iraq — the quagmire, the “bad” war, the invasion that launched a thousand Western anti-war demonstrations and official inquiries and anti-Bush plays and movies — is going least badly. For now. And making allowances for the fact that the principal geostrategic legacy of our genteel protectorate is that an avowed American enemy, Iran, was able vastly to increase its influence over the country on our dime.
Afghanistan? The “good war” is now “America’s longest war.” Our forces have been there longer than the Red Army was. The “hearts and minds” strategy is going so well that American troops are now being killed by the Afghans who know us best. Does being murdered by the soldiers and policemen you’ve spent years training even count as a “combat” death? Perhaps that’s why the U.S. media disdain to cover these killings: In April, at a meeting between Afghan border police and their U.S. trainers, an Afghan cop killed two American soldiers. Oh, well, wild country, once you get up near that Turkmen border. A few weeks later, back in Kabul, an Afghan military pilot killed eight American soldiers and a civilian contractor. On May 13, a NATO “mentoring team” sat down to lunch with Afghan police in Helmand when one of their protégés opened fire and killed two of them. “The actions of this individual do not reflect the overall actions of our Afghan partners,” said Maj. Gen. James B. Laster of the U.S. Marine Corps. “We remain committed to our partners and to our mission here.”
Libya? The good news is that we’ve vastly reduced the time it takes us to get quagmired. I believe the Libyan campaign is already in The Guinness Book of World Records as the fastest quagmire on record. In an inspired move, we’ve chosen to back the one Arab liberation movement incapable of knocking off the local strongman even when you lend them every NATO air force. But not to worry: President Obama, cooed an administration official to The New Yorker, is “leading from behind.” Indeed. What could be more impeccably multilateral than a coalition pantomime horse composed entirely of rear ends? Apparently it would be “illegal” to target Colonel Qaddafi, so our strategic objective is to kill him by accident. So far we’ve killed a son and a couple of grandkids. Maybe by the time you read this we’ll have added a maiden aunt or two to the trophy room. It’s not precisely clear why offing the old pock-skinned transvestite should be a priority of the U.S. right now, but let’s hope it happens soon, because otherwise there’ll be no way of telling when this “war” is “ended.”

Liberal Fiction

Why liberals fell for ‘Muslim lesbian blogger’ hoax
By MARK STEYN
Last week was a great week for lesbians coming out of the closet – coming out, that is, as middle-aged heterosexual men. On Sunday, Amina Arraf, the young vivacious Syrian lesbian activist whose inspiring blog "A Gay Girl In Damascus" had captured hearts around the world, was revealed to be, in humdrum reality, one Tom MacMaster, a 40-year-old college student from Georgia. The following day, Paula Brooks, the lesbian activist and founder of the website LezGetReal, was revealed to be one Bill Graber, a 58-year-old construction worker from Ohio. In their capacity as leading lesbians in the Sapphic blogosphere, "Miss Brooks" and "Miss Arraf" were colleagues. "Amina" had posted at LezGetReal before starting "A Gay Girl In Damascus." As one lesbian to another, they got along swimmingly. The Washington Post reported:
"Amina often flirted with Brooks, neither of the men realizing the other was pretending to be a lesbian."
Who knows what romance might have blossomed had not "Amina" been arrested by a squad of Baath Party goons dispatched by Syrian strongman Bashar al-Assad. Tom MacMaster then created "Rania," a fake cousin for his fake lesbian, to try to rouse the world to take up the plight of the nonexistent Amina's nonexistent detention.
A "Free Amina!" Facebook page sprang up.
"The Obama administration must speak about this," declared Peter Beinart, former editor of The New Republic. "This woman is a hero."
On June 7 the State Department announced that it was looking into the "kidnapping."
Now consider it from Assad's point of view. Unlike "Amina," "Rania" and the "three armed men in their early 20s" who "hustled Amina into a red Dacia Logan," you have the disadvantage of actually existing. You're the dictator of Syria. You've killed more demonstrators than those losers Mubarak, Ben Ali and Gadhafi combined, and the Americans have barely uttered a peep. Suddenly Hillary Clinton, who was hailing you as a "reformer" only 20 minutes ago, wants to give you a hard time over some lesbian blogger. Any moment now Sarkozy or Cameron or some other Europoseur will demand anti-homophobic NATO bombing missions over your presidential palace. On CNN Wolf Blitzer and Anderson Cooper will be interviewing each other back and forth all day long about the Gay Spring sweeping the Arab world. You'll be the first Middle East strongman brought down by lesbianism. You'll be a laughingstock at Arab League Where-Are-They-Now? nights.
Who needs it? "Release the lesbian bloggers!" commands Assad.
"Er, what lesbian bloggers?" says his vizier. "This is Damascus, remember?"
"Oh, yeah." And he spends another sleepless night wondering if this is the most devilish CIA dirty trick of all, or if one of their satellite drones merely misinterpreted the grainy footage from the Col. Gadhafi Lookalike round of "Syrian Idol."
The pretty young lesbian Muslim was exposed as a portly 40-year-old male infidel at the University of Edinburgh with the help of "Paula Brooks," shortly before "Paula" was exposed as a 58-year-old male construction worker from Ohio. "He would have got away with it if I hadn't been such a stand-up guy," the second phony lesbian said of the first phony lesbian. As to why stand-up guys are posing as sit-down lesbians, "Paula" told the Associated Press that "he felt he would not be taken seriously as a straight man."
"He got that one right," sneered the Toronto gay magazine Xtra.

Resource preservation

Speculation and Risk
              Is Market Speculation on Par with Gambling?
By Dwight R. Lee
Speculators are best thought of as conservationists. They are constantly looking to the future and conserving resources they believe are becoming more valuable. Since no one can predict the future with full confidence, speculators necessarily take risks. And when a speculator misjudges the future, he moves resources from periods when they are worth more to periods when they are worth less. But speculators who consistently make mistakes are soon left without the finances to continue speculating, and their mistakes create profitable opportunities for better prognosticators to take corrective action.
Do not to complain out loud about the mistakes that you think speculators are making. If your criticism is correct, you can make a fortune by not sharing your information and entering the market yourself. You will increase the value realized from our scarce resources. If you are wrong, however, you can lose lots of money. Again, speculation is risky.
Many people disapprove of speculative markets because of the risk associated with them. They believe these markets are little more than gambling havens on par with Las Vegas and Atlantic City casinos. The critics fear that allowing speculative markets to proliferate, as they have in recent years (allowing people to speculate on such things as foreign currencies and the rate of inflation, as well as on resources such as petroleum and agricultural products), creates harmful levels of risk in society. Wrong! There is a fundamental difference between the risks in Las Vegas casinos and the risks in speculative markets.
Craps versus Crops
A crucial difference between the risk of playing craps and the risk of speculating on the price of wheat is that the game of craps creates a risk that otherwise would not have existed. Creating risk for the enjoyment of people who like to take chances is the purpose of gambling games. Of course, some people also enjoy the risks of “betting” on the future price of wheat in speculative markets. But speculative markets do not create risks. The risks associated with speculative markets are inherent in the act of growing crops and are necessarily borne by someone. If speculative markets were outlawed, farmers would have to take the risk of “betting” that the cost of planting a crop today is less than the unknown “payoff” from selling it at harvest. Only those who hate gambling more than they love eating should criticize the risks associated with speculative markets. Actually speculative markets lower the cost of unavoidable risks.
Consider the farmer who invests most of his wealth in planting wheat each spring. Taking a risk on the future price of wheat is extremely costly for him. He could win, of course, if the price of wheat is higher than expected. But the price might plummet, in which case he could lose everything. Even enthusiastic gamblers are reluctant to put their life savings on one roll of the dice. Thus our farmer would like to eliminate the risk of declining wheat prices so he can concentrate on growing wheat, which is risky enough. And that is exactly what he can do in the speculative (futures) market for wheat. In the spring he can arrange to sell his harvest for the fall price that currently prevails in the futures market for the type of wheat he is growing. The farmer eliminates the risk he faces from declining prices by locking in his sales price.
This doesn’t eliminate the risk of price declines. The farmer has simply passed that risk on to those who agreed to pay the specified future price. If the price of wheat increases above that price, the buyers of the futures win; but if it falls below that price, they lose. This is not just a game of “hot potato” in which the cost of holding the risk is the same no matter who holds it. Those who accept the price risk have a lower cost associated with that risk than the farmer does; maybe they are less averse to risk. Also, the farmer passes the risk to many people, each of whom takes just the amount he wants. Finally, those accepting the risk can diversify, agreeing to buy many different products. Because of speculative markets, the “hot potato” of risk ends up in the hands of those with the thickest gloves.
In some cases, speculative markets allow risk to be eliminated almost entirely. In fact, the term “speculative market” can be a misnomer, since parties on both sides of the market often use them to avoid speculating. Those who agree to pay a wheat farmer a specified future price for his harvest may do so to avoid speculating in wheat prices themselves. Consider bakers whose profits are reduced if the price of their primary ingredient, wheat, increases in the future. The risk bakers want to avoid (wheat prices going up) is exactly opposite to the one wheat farmers want to avoid (wheat prices going down). So farmers and bakers can eliminate the risk they fear most by using “speculative” markets to agree now to a specified price in the future. The risk of fluctuating wheat prices isn’t eliminated—the farmer risks losing the gain from rising prices and the baker risks losing the gain from declining prices. But the degree of risk has been greatly reduced for both.
Derivatives Don’t Cause Risk
Agreements to buy and sell agricultural products at specified future prices are made with futures contracts. These contracts are traded on markets, and their prices fluctuate over time with changes in the expected prices of the products. So the value of each of these futures contracts is derived from the value of something else. Any contract whose value is derived from something else is called a derivative. Derivatives have proliferated in recent years, allowing people to speculate on the future prices of a wide range of things (including interest rates). Unfortunately derivatives are widely blamed for the risks that have resulted in a few large losses suffered by businesses and governments that speculated in them. This criticism reverses cause and effect. Increased risk caused the derivative, not the other way around. The increase in the numbers and types of derivatives was the predictable response to the increased risks caused by such things as the uncertain value of the dollar due to the inflation of the 1970s and ’80s, the volatility of prices of resources such as oil, and the move to floating exchange rates for foreign currencies. These risks were not caused by derivatives. Derivatives emerged as a way of reducing risks in the same way farmers and bakers reduce the cost of fluctuating wheat prices with futures contracts.
Blaming risks on derivatives is as silly as blaming diseases on doctors.

Language and Truth

The Hazards of Truth-Telling
Speaking Freely Can Produce Greatness, but at What Cost?
By Thomas Szasz
Language is a priceless gift we inherit from people who came before us and bequeath to those who come after us. Language is a human product, but it is not made by any particular person or group. Because the meaning of what is said depends both on the speaker and on the listener, language is a special kind of patrimony. We receive it in trust, as it were. We use it. And we pass it on when we die. Do we leave language better or worse than we have received it? This choice is part of our destiny as language-using beings. Our contact with language—like our contact with persons—is rarely neutral: either we use language well and improve it, or we use it badly and destroy it. What is our criterion, you may ask, for making this judgment? Our criterion is our sense of what is right and what is wrong.
I believe that plain speaking and truth-telling are good and improve language, and that equivocating and prevaricating are bad and debauch language. Many people say they agree with this judgment, but they do not mean it, and for good reasons. It is dangerous to speak plainly and to tell the truth, not just in far-off totalitarian societies but in the United States today.
This brings me to remark on one of the great paradoxes of education in our society. We ceaselessly exhort young men and women to think for themselves. However, once people think for themselves, their thoughts—and hence what they say and what they write, and how they speak and how they write—are likely to differ from what passes as politically correct. “To write in plain, vigorous language,” wrote George Orwell, “one has to think fearlessly, and if one thinks fearlessly one cannot be politically orthodox.” This paradox seems to be an intrinsic part of our ambivalence about daring to face the truth. The lives of many persons we now revere illustrate the sad or even tragic consequences of truth-telling.
For example, Socrates liked to go for walks with his pupils who were eager to hear his reflections about the perennial moral dilemmas of life. The Athenian senate considered his behavior subversive—a corruption of youth, a charge not unlike that now leveled against tobacco companies—and sentenced Socrates to death. He chose to kill himself, instead, an option then accepted as honorable and legal, now rejected as mentally disordered and illegal.
John Huss (c. 1370–1415) was a Bohemian priest. Influenced by the writings of John Wycliffe, he expressed doubts about the dogma of transubstantiation and opposed the sale of indulgences. Charged with heresy, he was burned at the stake.
Galileo Galilei (1564–1642) was not only a brilliant astronomer, but also a gifted popularizer, in Italian, of the Copernican theory of the solar system. For this, he was denounced to the Inquisition. Led by Cardinal Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621), the church’s chief theologian, the Vatican declared Copernicanism “false and erroneous” and placed Copernicus’s writings on the Index. Bellarmine—by all accounts a decent man—asked Galileo to neither “hold nor defend” the heliocentric theory, a request Galileo honored. After Bellarmine died, he was sainted.
Punished for Doing Good
The life of the truth-teller punished for his good deeds whose story has touched me the most deeply is that of the Hungarian physician Ignaz Philipp Semmelweis (1818–1865). Semmelweis’s crime was twofold. He discovered the cause of puerperal fever, which, in the early decades of the nineteenth century, killed poor women who delivered their babies in teaching hospitals rather than in their homes by the tens of thousands. That was bad enough. What made it worse was that he also discovered—before it was discovered that bacteria cause diseases—that, by washing their hands in a disinfecting solution, physicians could prevent the disease. Unable to reconcile himself to the rejection of his simple remedy and the continuing wholesale medical killing of parturient women, Semmelweis’s behavior became increasingly “abnormal.” He was incarcerated in an insane asylum and soon thereafter died. The cause of his death remains a matter of controversy among medical historians. Today, the medical school in Budapest bears his name.
A less familiar but no less instructive example of the hazards of truth-telling is the experience of Oliver Wendell Holmes (1809–1894), father of the famous Supreme Court justice of the same name (1841–1935). Trained as a physician, Holmes was professor of anatomy and physiology at Harvard from 1847 until his retirement in 1882. In 1843, he produced his most enduring medical work, an essay titled The Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever, in which he maintained that the disease was transmitted from patient to patient by the obstetrician. This proposition, like Semmelweis’s, met vigorous opposition from leading American obstetricians. However, unlike Semmelweis, Holmes was unruffled by entrenched professional ignorance and added to his achievements by becoming a celebrated author.
Three of France’s most famous men of letters—Voltaire (1694–1778), Victor Hugo (1802–1885), and Émile Zola (1840–1902)—had to leave their homeland to write freely. Zola’s encounter with the official deniers of truth is the most dramatic. At an early stage in the proceedings, he decided that Captain Alfred Dreyfus was innocent. In 1898, he published his famous open letter—which began with the words “J’accuse”—denouncing the French General Staff of having framed Dreyfus. The publication of this piece led to his being prosecuted for libel and convicted of the charge. He fled to England.
Twain’s Advice
What, then, are young men and young women to do when they heed the advice to think for themselves and arrive at thoughts that differ from what passes as politically correct? One of their choices is to follow Mark Twain’s advice. He wrote: “It is by the goodness of God that in our country we have those three unspeakably precious things: freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, and the prudence never to practice either.”
Had Mark Twain heeded his own advice, he would not have been the great writer he was. He spoke freely, albeit some of his most heretical thoughts were published only posthumously. And he followed his conscience, often choosing to express himself cautiously and humorously, rather than recklessly or polemically.
“The truth,” said Jesus, “shall set you free.” Jesus did not say it will make you popular, or rich, or happy. He said it will set you free—and that it will do. And while freedom—true, inner freedom, what people used to call serenity—may not win you fame or fortune, it will enable you to look yourself in the mirror and to sleep at night.
In short, be courageous, but be careful.

A Neglected Anniversary

The Bathtub, Mencken, and War
How Mencken Employed a Hoax to Demonstrate Journalistic Inaccuracies
By Wendy McElroy
Not a plumber fired a salute or hung out a flag. Not a governor proclaimed a day of prayer,” wrote H. L. Mencken on December 28, 1917, in the New York Evening Mail. The occasion for the iconoclastic journalist’s lament was “A Neglected Anniversary,” so titled because, as Mencken declared, America had neglected to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the invention of the modern bathtub, which had occurred on December 20, 1842, in Cincinnati, Ohio.
He proceeded to offer a history of the bathtub in the United States. President Millard Fillmore had installed the first one in the White House in 1851. This had been a brave act on Fillmore’s part, since the health risks of using a bathtub had been the subject of great controversy within the medical establishment. Indeed, Mencken observed, “Boston early in 1845 made bathing unlawful except upon medical advice, but the ordinance was never enforced and in 1862, it was repealed.”
“A Neglected Anniversary” was the direct result of the anti-German propaganda that dominated the newspapers in the years before and during America’s involvement in World War I. Mencken was an established and respected newspaperman. He had started his career as a reporter for the Baltimore Morning Herald in 1899, becoming city editor in 1904. In 1906 he began his long association with the Baltimore Sun. Yet during America’s anti-German period, he could not get material on World War I published because of his pro-German views, which sprang from a love of the culture rather than from its politics. Mencken was enraged by the popular portrayal of Germans as “barbarous Huns” who committed atrocities such as the widely reported bayoneting of Belgian babies. (Although this accusation had been absolutely accepted by the American people, it was later proven to be pure Allied propaganda.)
Mencken attempted to infuse some real-world perspective on the war into American newspapers. Near the end of 1916 he traveled as a reporter to the eastern front to cover the hostilities, but the breakdown of diplomatic relations between Germany and America forced him to return. At home he discovered to his horror that most of his dispatches had not been published. Edward A. Martin writes in H. L. Mencken and the Debunkers, “It was 1917; Mencken, passionately pro-German, felt muzzled by the excesses of patriotism that dominated the attitude of Americans. The ‘Free Lance’ column [Mencken's daily column in the Evening Sun] had been a casualty, in 1915, of his unpopular views of the war. The war and all of its ramifications were excluded from his writing until after 1919.”
Thus, Mencken—a political animal to the core—turned to nonpolitical writing in order to publish. A Book of Prefaces, a collection of literary criticism, appeared in 1917. His book on the position of women in society, In Defense of Women, was issued in 1918. And the first edition of Mencken’s magnum opus, The American Language, emerged in 1919. He also wrote for the literary magazine he co-edited with George Nathan, The Smart Set.
But Mencken was far from sanguine about having his political views suppressed. He complained to Ellery Sedgwick, editor of The Atlantic Monthly, whose pages were also closed to him: “It is, in fact, out of the question for a man of my training and sympathies to avoid the war. . . . How can I preach upon the dangerous hysterias of democracy without citing the super-obvious spy scare with its typical putting of public credulity to political and personal uses?”
Seeking an Outlet
His restless frustration found vent in “A Neglected Anniversary.” Like so much of Mencken’s writing, the article was not quite what it seemed to be on the surface. It had levels of meaning. “A Neglected Anniversary” was a satire destined to become a classic of this genre of literature in much the same manner as Jonathan Swift’s “A Modest Proposal,” which satirized English policy in Ireland. In the article, Mencken spoke in an eloquent tone of mock reason, which was supported by bogus citations and manufactured statistics.
In short, his history of the bathtub was an utter hoax set within the framework of historical fact.
The modern bathtub had not been invented in Cincinnati. Fillmore had not introduced it into the White House. The anti-bathtub laws Mencken cited were, to use one of his favorite words, “buncombe.”

Procrustean bed

The Central Fallacy of Public Schooling
Indoctrination of the Young Is Public Schooling's Overriding Intent
By Daniel Hager
When World War II ended, Congress authorized a tax cut to take effect January 1, 1946. Young America, a publication distributed through public schools, ran an article in its December 13, 1945, issue discussing the measure and presenting a brief history of American taxation. The article concluded with a section titled “Then & Now: Taxes Serve Us.”
“One hundred years ago,” the writer stated, “our government helped the citizens by maintaining order. It did little else. Its expenses were low, and so taxes were low.” He then quoted Benjamin Franklin’s observation in Poor Richard’s Almanack in 1758: “It would be a hard government that should tax its people one-tenth part of their income.” The Young America writer continued, “In 1940, our Federal, State and local governments taxed us one-fifth of our incomes. But Franklin could not have guessed the tremendous growth of this country.” (Emphasis in original.)
The writer then offered justification for such high taxes: “As students, our young citizens are given school buildings. Our government does hundreds of things for us in our everyday life.” He finished with a quotation from Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.: “I like to pay taxes. It is purchasing civilization.”
The article vividly illustrates the overriding intent of public schooling, which has always been indoctrination of the young.
Who’s in Charge?
Indoctrination itself is not illegitimate. In fact, it is an intrinsic part of child rearing. Out of love and concern, parents explicitly or implicitly formulate desired outcomes for the young lives they have created. Parents generally hope their children will adhere to their own traditions and belief systems, which they attempt to inculcate.
The question parents must face is, “Who will do the indoctrinating?” Schooling is an adjunct to child rearing. The schooling options available force parents to make decisions regarding the level of autonomy they wish to exercise. They retain the greatest control over their children’s developing beliefs by schooling them at home. An alternative is to enroll their children in an institution where they are certain the indoctrination conforms to their own values, such as a religious school.
When parents send a child to a tax-funded school, they sacrifice their autonomy to alien interests. The state has goals of its own that are distinct from those of parents. Parents are able to economize by availing themselves of a “free” school, but the bargain is Faustian. The child is subjected to indoctrination outside parental control. The price of tax-funded schooling is that parents give up their children to become instruments of the state.
Under totalitarian regimes, the subjugation of parental belief systems to those of the state is blatant. Schoolchildren are propagandized into the doctrines of the leadership, their thoughts molded to the state’s purposes.
But even under a “democratic” regime the state operates manipulatively for its own ends. Those who govern generally like to continue governing. Their governance is more easily maintained when the governed are passive and docile. The state propaganda machine must convince the citizenry of government’s benevolence. Schoolchildren are taught, as in the Young America article, that government “gives” them things and “does” things for them.
Government schools inevitably become battlegrounds for control by ideological adversaries. The nature of the indoctrination changes as advocates of particular ideologies wax and wane in their power to influence curricula. The constant is that parents have relinquished direct control over what their children are taught to believe.
This battle has been going on ever since the modern public school emerged in the first half of the 1800s. Education historian Joel Spring stated, “In the Western world of the nineteenth century, various political and economic groups believed that government-operated schools could be a mechanism for assuring the distribution of their particular ideology to the population. In this sense, public schools were the first mass medium designed to reach an entire generation.”[1]
Early Theocracy
Indoctrination through compulsory schooling originated early in the nation’s history. Massachusetts Bay Colony was organized unabashedly as a theocratic government that required citizens to adhere to stipulated religious beliefs. In 1642 the Massachusetts General Court passed an act requiring compulsory education of children and giving town selectmen the authority to maintain orthodox teaching and punish recalcitrant parents. The civil government was in charge of the schools, which were supported by taxes. R. Freeman Butts and Lawrence A. Cremin wrote, “Here was the principle that government had authority to control schools, and it was well enunciated in the New England colonies early in their histories. It was a principle of great importance, for it set a precedent in American life establishing the authority of the state to promote education as a public and civil matter.”[2]

How on earth were we ever conned by a bunch of religious fanatics?

Sammy Wilson: man-made climate change is a con
31 December 2008
Spending billions on trying to reduce carbon emissions is one giant con that is depriving third world countries of vital funds to tackle famine, HIV and other diseases, Sammy Wilson said.
The DUP minister has been heavily criticised by environmentalists for claiming that ongoing climatic shifts are down to nature and not mankind.
But while acknowledging his views on global warming may not be popular, the East Antrim MP said he was not prepared to be bullied by eco fundamentalists.
“I’ll not be stopped saying what I believe needs to be said about climate change,” he said.
"Most of the people who shout about climate change have not read one article about it
“I think in 20 years’ time we will look back at this whole climate change debate and ask ourselves how on earth were we ever conned into spending the billions of pounds which are going into this without any kind of rigorous examination of the background, the science, the implications of it all. Because there is now a degree of hysteria about it, fairly unformed hysteria I’ve got to say as well.
“I mean I get it in the Assembly all the time and most of the people who shout about climate change have not read one article about climate change, not read one book about climate change, if you asked them to explain how they believe there’s a connection between CO2 emission and the effects which they claim there’s going to be, if you ask them to explain the thought process or the modelling that is required and the assumptions behind that and how tenuous all the connections are, they wouldn’t have a clue.
“They simply get letters about it from all these lobby groups, it’s popular and therefore they go along with the flow — and that would be ok if there were no implications for it, but the implications are immense.”
He said while people in the western world were facing spiralling fuel bills as a result of efforts to cut CO2, the implications in poorer countries were graver.
“What are the problems that face us either locally and internationally. Are those not the things we should be concentrating on?” he asked.
“HIV, lack of clean water, which kills millions of people in third world countries, lack of education.
“A fraction of the money we are currently spending on climate change could actually eradicate those three problems alone, a fraction of it.
“I think as a society we sometimes need to get some of these things in perspective and when I listen to some of the rubbish that is spoken by some of my colleagues in the Assembly it amuses me at times and other times it angers me.”
Despite his views on CO2, Mr Wilson said he does not intend to backtrack on commitments made by his predecessor at the Department of the Environment, Arlene Foster, to make the Stormont estate carbon neutral.
He said while he wasn’t worried about reducing CO2 output, he said the policy would help to cut fuels bills.
“I don’t couch those actions in terms of reducing Co2 emissions,” he said. “I don’t care about Co2 emissions to be quite truthful because I don’t think it’s all that important but what I do believe is, and perhaps this is where there can be some convergence, as far as using fuel more efficiently that is good for our economy; that makes us more competitive. If we can save in schools hundreds of thousands on fuel that’s more money being put for books or classroom assistants.
“So yes there are things we can do. If you want to express it terms of carbon neutral, I just express it terms of making the place more efficient, less wasteful and hopefully that will release money to do the proper things that we should be doing.”

Ice skating on the Thames by 2025?

Earth may be headed into a mini Ice Age within a decade
Physicists say sunspot cycle is 'going into hibernation'
By Lewis Page - Posted in Science, 14th June
What may be the science story of the century is breaking this evening, as heavyweight US solar physicists announce that the Sun appears to be headed into a lengthy spell of low activity, which could mean that the Earth – far from facing a global warming problem – is actually headed into a mini Ice Age.
Average magnetic field strength in sunspot umbras has been steadily declining for over a decade. The trend includes sunspots from Cycles 22, 23, and (the current cycle) 24. Credit: NSO/AAS
The announcement made on 14 June (18:00 UK time) comes from scientists at the US National Solar Observatory (NSO) and US Air Force Research Laboratory. Three different analyses of the Sun's recent behaviour all indicate that a period of unusually low solar activity may be about to begin.
The Sun normally follows an 11-year cycle of activity. The current cycle, Cycle 24, is now supposed to be ramping up towards maximum strength. Increased numbers of sunspots and other indications ought to be happening: but in fact results so far are most disappointing. Scientists at the NSO now suspect, based on data showing decades-long trends leading to this point, that Cycle 25 may not happen at all.
This could have major implications for the Earth's climate. According to a statement issued by the NSO, announcing the research:
"An immediate question is whether this slowdown presages a second Maunder Minimum, a 70-year period with virtually no sunspots [which occurred] during 1645-1715."
As NASA notes [1]:
"Early records of sunspots indicate that the Sun went through a period of inactivity in the late 17th century. Very few sunspots were seen on the Sun from about 1645 to 1715. Although the observations were not as extensive as in later years, the Sun was in fact well observed during this time and this lack of sunspots is well documented. This period of solar inactivity also corresponds to a climatic period called the "Little Ice Age" when rivers that are normally ice-free froze and snow fields remained year-round at lower altitudes. There is evidence that the Sun has had similar periods of inactivity in the more distant past."
Scientists predict 'sunspot hibernation'
During the Maunder Minimum and for periods either side of it, many European rivers which are ice-free today – including the Thames – routinely froze over, allowing ice skating and even for armies to march across them in some cases.
"This is highly unusual and unexpected," says Dr Frank Hill of the NSO. "But the fact that three completely different views of the Sun point in the same direction is a powerful indicator that the sunspot cycle may be going into hibernation."
Good news for Mars astronauts – Less good for carbon traders, perhaps
Hill's own research focuses on surface pulsations of the Sun and their relationship with sunspots, and his team has already used their methods to successfully predict the late onset of Cycle 24.
"We expected to see the start of the zonal flow for Cycle 25 by now," Hill explained, "but we see no sign of it. This indicates that the start of Cycle 25 may be delayed to 2021 or 2022, or may not happen at all."
Hill's results match those from physicists Matt Penn and William Livingston, who have gone over 13 years of sunspot data from the McMath-Pierce Telescope at Kitt Peak in Arizona. They have seen the strength of the magnetic fields which create sunspots declining steadily. According to the NSO:
"Penn and Livingston observed that the average field strength declined about 50 gauss per year during Cycle 23 and now in Cycle 24. They also observed that spot temperatures have risen exactly as expected for such changes in the magnetic field. If the trend continues, the field strength will drop below the 1,500 gauss threshold and spots will largely disappear as the magnetic field is no longer strong enough to overcome convective forces on the solar surface."
In parallel with this comes research from the US Air Force's studies of the solar corona. Richard Altrock, in charge of this, has found a 40-year decline in the "rush to the poles" – the poleward surge of magnetic activity in the corona.
"Those wonderful, delicate coronal features are actually powerful, robust magnetic structures rooted in the interior of the Sun," Altrock says. "Changes we see in the corona reflect changes deep inside the Sun ..."Cycle 24 started out late and slow and may not be strong enough to create a rush to the poles, indicating we'll see a very weak solar maximum in 2013, if at all. If the rush to the poles fails to complete, this creates a tremendous dilemma for the theorists ... No one knows what the Sun will do in that case."
According to the collective wisdom of the NSO, another Maunder Minimum may very well be on the cards.
"If we are right," summarises Hill, "this could be the last solar maximum we'll see for a few decades. That would affect everything from space exploration to Earth's climate."
The effects on space exploration would be benign, as fewer or no solar storms would make space a much less hostile environment for human beings. At the moment, anyone venturing beyond the Earth's protective magnetic field (the only people to have done so were the Apollo moon astronauts of the 1960s and '70s) runs a severe risk of dangerous or fatal radiation exposure during a solar storm.
Manned missions beyond low Earth orbit, a stated aspiration of the USA and other nations, might become significantly safer and cheaper to mount (cheaper as there would be no requirement for possibly very heavy shielding to protect astronauts, so reducing launch costs).
The big consequences of a major solar calm spell, however, would be climatic. The next few generations of humanity might not find themselves trying to cope with global warming but rather with a significant cooling. This could overturn decades of received wisdom on such things as CO2 emissions, and lead to radical shifts in government policy worldwide.

Stockholm Syndrome Part 2

Mosque flap leads to TPD captain being suspended
By NICOLE MARSHALL
islam.jpg
The Islamization of America is far behind the ongoing Muslim conquest of Europe, which is all the more reason for our dhimmi quisling rulers to brook no resistance. This is why Tulsa Police Captain Paul Fields was suspended without pay for two weeks for not forcing officers to attend a mosque:
"A Tulsa police captain who disobeyed an order to make officers attend a Law Enforcement Appreciation Day at a Tulsa mosque was suspended without pay for two weeks.
In February, Capt. Paul Fields was temporarily transferred from the Police Department's Riverside Division to the Mingo Valley Division, and an internal investigation was launched into the matter.
Fields filed a federal lawsuit two days later, claiming his First Amendment rights were violated.
His suspension began June 12 and will end June 25, according to a personnel order signed by Police Chief Chuck Jordan.
Specifically, he was suspended 40 hours for violating the department's rule on being obedient and another 40 hours for violating a rule on conduct unbecoming to an officer.
The personnel order states that his "actions and writings that were made public brought discredit upon the department related to furnishing officers to attend" the event.
The Law Enforcement Appreciation Day was held March 4 at the mosque of the Islamic Society of Tulsa. Jordan has said the Islamic Society scheduled the event to show its appreciation for the officers' response to a threat against it. Officers have attended past events at that location."
That is, the officers were to be pulled away from their important duties to serve as propaganda props in support of the moonbat–Muslim meme that it is Islamists who are in danger, not the innocents they target with terror attacks.
Each of the Police Department's three patrol divisions had been assigned to schedule at least six officers and three supervisors to attend the event.
In a Feb. 18 interoffice correspondence, Deputy Chief Daryl Webster told Fields that the event organizers needed to know how many personnel would be attending so that things such as food and tours could be arranged.
Webster said voluntary participation was preferred, "but should voluntary response not be up to task, assignment would be the next alternative."
Fields said in correspondence with a superior that he considered the order to be "an unlawful order, as it is in direct conflict with (his) personal religious convictions, as well as to be conscience shocking."
He also told his superiors that he would not require any of his subordinates to follow the order "if they share similar religious convictions."
Initially, Fields' lawsuit only named Webster as a defendant. However, in March he added the city of Tulsa and Jordan, the police chief, as defendants.
The revised lawsuit also had the Thomas More Law Center entering the case on Fields' behalf.
The Thomas More Law Center is a national public interest law firm based in Ann Arbor, Mich., that is involved in litigation "defending the religious freedom of Christians as well as countering the infiltration of radical Muslims in America," Richard Thompson, president and chief counsel for the center, said in a previous statement.
Scott Wood, Fields' attorney, said Tuesday that he will continue to pursue the lawsuit.
"Obviously, we are disappointed the department did not change its position. We are going to continue to pursue Paul's grievance through the department and address the damages in a federal lawsuit," Wood said.
Allison Moore, Islamic Society of Tulsa Community Relations Spokesperson, said that they had no comment specifically on the situation involving Fields. She did, however, praise the work of Tulsa police officers.
"We have just been thrilled with the Tulsa Police Department over the years. We have had a wonderful relationship with them," Moore said.

Friday, June 17, 2011

Children brazenly indulging in capitalist exploitation.

Bureaucrats Crush Kids' Lemonade Stand With $500 Fine
by Dave Blount 
Suburban Washington may not be the best place for kids to take up capitalism:
A [Montgomery County, Maryland] inspector ordered the Marriott and Augustine kids to shut down the stand they set up on Persimmon Tree Rd., right next to Congressional [in Bethesda]. And after they allegedly ignored a couple of warnings, the inspector fined their parents $500."This gentleman from the county is now telling us because we don't have a vendors license, the kids won't be allowed to sell their lemonade," Carrie Marriott told us, her voice trembling.The kids can't seem to understand it.County bureauweenies don't ban all economic activity. For $300, you can get a permit to let US Open fans park on your lawn. So long as Big Government is well paid for allowing us to go about our own lives on our own property, everything is copacetic. But county officials don't stand to make much off little kids' lemonade stands.
 lemonade-stand-fined.jpg

Demosclerosis is lethal

Who Is James Johnson and what the hell has done with your money
By DAVID BROOKS
Most political scandals involve people who are not really enmeshed in the Washington establishment — people like Representative Anthony Weiner or Representative William Jefferson. Most scandals involve spectacularly bad behavior — like posting pictures of your private parts on the Web or hiding $90,000 in cash in your freezer.
But the most devastating scandal in recent history involved dozens of the most respected members of the Washington establishment. Their behavior was not out of the ordinary by any means.
For that reason, the Fannie Mae scandal is the most important political scandal since Watergate. It helped sink the American economy. It has cost taxpayers about $153 billion, so far. It indicts patterns of behavior that are considered normal and respectable in Washington.
The Fannie Mae scandal has gotten relatively little media attention because many of the participants are still powerful, admired and well connected. But Gretchen Morgenson, a Times colleague, and the financial analyst Joshua Rosner have rectified that, writing “Reckless Endangerment,” a brave book that exposes the affair in clear and gripping form.
The story centers around James Johnson, a Democratic sage with a raft of prestigious connections. Appointed as chief executive of Fannie Mae in 1991, Johnson started an aggressive effort to expand homeownership.
Back then, Fannie Mae could raise money at low interest rates because the federal government implicitly guaranteed its debt. In 1995, according to the Congressional Budget Office, this implied guarantee netted the agency $7 billion. Instead of using that money to help buyers, Johnson and other executives kept $2.1 billion for themselves and their shareholders. They used it to further the cause — expanding their clout, their salaries and their bonuses. They did the things that every special-interest group does to advance its interests.
Fannie Mae co-opted relevant activist groups, handing out money to Acorn, the Congressional Black Caucus, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and other groups that it might need on its side.

Fannie ginned up Astroturf lobbying campaigns. In 2000, for example, a bill was introduced that threatened Fannie’s special status. The Coalition for Homeownership was formed and letters poured into Congressional offices opposing the bill. Many signatories of the letter had no idea their names had been used.
Fannie lavished campaign contributions on members of Congress. Time and again experts would go before some Congressional committee to warn that Fannie was lowering borrowing standards and posing an enormous risk to taxpayers. Phalanxes of congressmen would be mobilized to bludgeon the experts and kill unfriendly legislation.
Fannie executives ginned up academic studies. They created a foundation that spent tens of millions in advertising. They spent enormous amounts of time and money capturing the regulators who were supposed to police them.
Morgenson and Rosner write with barely suppressed rage, as if great crimes are being committed. But there are no crimes. This is how Washington works. Only two of the characters in this tale come off as egregiously immoral. Johnson made $100 million while supposedly helping the poor. Representative Barney Frank, whose partner at the time worked for Fannie, was arrogantly dismissive when anybody raised doubts about the stability of the whole arrangement.
Most of the people were simply doing what reputable figures do in service to a supposedly good cause. Johnson roped in some of the most respected establishment names: Bill Daley, Tom Donilon, Joseph Stiglitz, Dianne Feinstein, Kit Bond, Franklin Raines, Larry Summers, Robert Zoellick, Ken Starr and so on.
Of course, it all came undone. Underneath, Fannie was a cancer that helped spread risky behavior and low standards across the housing industry. We all know what happened next.
The scandal has sent the message that the leadership class is fundamentally self-dealing. Leaders on the center-right and center-left are always trying to create public-private partnerships to spark socially productive activity. But the biggest public-private partnership to date led to shameless self-enrichment and disastrous results.
It has sent the message that we have hit the moment of demosclerosis. Washington is home to a vertiginous tangle of industry associations, activist groups, think tanks and communications shops. These forces have overwhelmed the government that was originally conceived by the founders.
The final message is that members of the leadership class have done nothing to police themselves. The Wall Street-Industry-Regulator-Lobbyist tangle is even more deeply enmeshed.
People may not like Michele Bachmann, but when they finish “Reckless Endangerment” they will understand why there is a market for politicians like her. They’ll realize that if the existing leadership class doesn’t redefine “normal” behavior, some pungent and colorful movement will sweep in and do it for them.