Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Wealth Creation and the State

Money, Savings and Debt
by Pater Tenebrarum
This post can in a way be seen as an addendum to what we wrote regarding the 'gold narrative' the other day. Specifically, we want to return to the argument made in closing, namely that the present situation in terms of private and public debt relative to the economy's ability to create enough wealth to service and repay said debt is a reason to remain bullish on gold and by extension, to remain skeptical regarding the economy's future.
It is important to keep in mind that the level of outstanding debt as such actually does not prove the point. For instance, if all the credit extended were backed by real savings and if the great bulk of the extended credit were employed productively, then the size of the debt would obviously not represent a problem. After all, we would then have very good reason to expect that the investments that have been undertaken are largely sound (given the fact that they are backed by real savings) and that therefore, the economy's future output of final goods will increase sufficiently to create the profits required to service and repay the debt. 
However, we know for a fact that a vast portion of the debtberg does not consist of credit that has been productively employed. Moreover, we also know for a fact that much of it is not backed up by real savings. How do we know all this?
Let us first discuss savings. What are savings? In a monetary economy, people save in the form of money. Money is a claim on real goods, it is the ultimate present good. However, in order to save, one has to refrain from consumption. Let us say that someone saves $200 per month. He certainly could spend these $200 instead of saving them, in which case he would exert a claim on the pool of final goods and consume the goods purchased. Note that by refraining from this act of consumption, not only are there now $200 in his savings account, but the goods the saver has not consumed remain with the economy's pool of real funding (the pool of real funding is the stock of produced, but unconsumed final goods).
This addition to the pool of real funding is what actually makes an increase in production possible. If ten savers put aside $200 per month, the $2,000 worth of goods thus saved could e.g. be used to maintain the life and well-being of one worker employed in production activities. When an entrepreneur applies to a bank for credit in order to expand production, he is ultimately not trying to obtain money as such, but capital. What is required to effectively fund new production activities is not money, but real resources.
To illustrate this, imagine that a few people find themselves stranded on a deserted island, and by coincidence one of the things that has been successfully recovered from the shipwreck is a printing press for banknotes and all the paraphernalia required for the printing process. Obviously they could not create any wealth for themselves by printing banknotes. It would be a pointless exercise: the banknotes could not be used to buy the necessary capital goods required to e.g. build a new boat, since these goods are simply not available on the island. This would be so glaringly obvious that they would certainly not even try – they could print billions and would not be an iota richer. If they decide to mix their labor with the natural resources available on the island so as to create primitive capital goods that bring them a few steps closer to their goal of building a boat, they would still be confronted with the problem that at the outset, their pool of real funding would be zero. They would at first have to produce whatever is necessary to keep them alive (i.e., food). If they want to spend time on producing capital goods, enough food would have to be produced that some of it could be saved to maintain their lives while they are busy with building an ax, a net, rudders, sails and so forth.
This example serves to highlight a universal truth: no wealth can be created by  printing money. Money is indispensable for an economy based on the division of labor, as a medium of exchange (and all the subsidiary functions that flow from this, such as the store of wealth function) and a unit of account that enables economic calculation. It should be obvious though that adding to the supply of money does not add to the economy's wealth (in case a commodity money is used, it could be argued that the non-monetary uses of the commodity make additional supplies valuable beyond their exchange value, but as a rule the general medium of exchange derives the great bulk of its value from monetary demand).
Since 1971, the world has been on a fiat money standard. Moreover, the banking system is fractionally reserved, which means that it can literally create additional money from thin air. There is no effort involved except a few keystrokes. This system is backstopped by central banks that 'accommodate' this creation of money from thin air by supplying bank reserves, which are likewise created at the push of a button. In this system, a lot of credit is created that is not backed by real savings. We can get an inkling regarding the size of this credit creation from thin air by looking at the amount of uncovered money substitutes in the economy, i.e., deposit money that is not backed by standard money in the form of currency or bank reserves which can be converted to currency on demand. 

 
US money TMS-2 by economic categorization. Covered money substitutes (dark blue) consist of deposit money that is backed by either vault cash or bank reserves held at the Fed. Uncovered money substitutes (also known as 'fiduciary media') represent deposit money that has literally been created from thin air and for which no standard money backing exists – click to enlarge. 

As can be seen above, although the Fed's 'quantitative easing' policy has vastly increased the portion of money substitutes that are covered by bank reserves (the often cited excess reserves), the amount of uncovered money substitutes outstanding nevertheless stands at a new record high. In theory, all of this money should be available on demand. In practice, the banks could only pay out the covered portion and would have to contract credit if they were required to pay out more than that.
The main problem with the creation of money from thin air is that by throwing additional fiduciary media on the loan market, the market interest rate is pushed below the natural interest rate dictated by society-wide time preferences. This sets the boom-bust cycle into motion. The lower interest rate makes long-term investment projects that appeared to be unprofitable at a higher rate look profitable, so investment will be drawn toward such projects. The lower market interest rate suggests that the pool of real savings has increased so as to make the funding of these long-range investment projects possible. However, this is a mirage: the additional real savings do in fact not exist. To paraphrase Mises, the entire class of entrepreneurs finds itself in a situation akin to that of a master builder who attempts to build a palace with three stories, while unbeknown to him, the building material available is only sufficient for two stories. Obviously, the later he discovers this error, the more significant the loss will be, as a lot of resources will have been wasted.
Moreover, the creation of fiduciary media makes exchanges of nothing for something possible. The early receivers of newly created money can exercise claims on the pool of real savings, although no commensurate contribution to the pool has actually been made. The earlier receivers of newly created money will benefit to the detriment of later receivers, as by the time the new money has percolated through the economy, prices will have risen to reflect the increase of the money supply. Obviously, the earlier in the process one gets to spend newly created money, the bigger one's advantage will be. Thus wealth is redistributed from late to early receivers. Moreover, by exercising their claim without an offsetting contribution to the pool of real savings having been made, these early receivers make life more difficult for genuine wealth creators, who now must contend with a diminished pool of savings. In short, printing additional money enables consumption without preceding production. Obviously this cannot possibly be sustainable – ultimately consumption is constrained by production (one cannot consume what hasn't first been produced).
In a nutshell the problem posed by the mountain of debt that has been built up over time is the following: it has misdirected investment and falsified economic calculation, which in turn has distorted the structure of production and led to the consumption of scarce capital (which is usually disguised as illusionary accounting profits) during the boom periods. Subsequently this became painfully obvious as the inevitable economic busts set in.
What's more, the duration and amplitude of the boom-bust sequences has continually grown, as after every failed boom, the amount of new credit and money thrown at the economy to 'rescue' it from the bust has been vastly increased. Ever larger additions to the amount of money and debt outstanding have resulted in ever smaller additions to economic output. 



US: total credit market debt outstanding – click to enlarge.

If we consider the total amount of credit market debt outstanding depicted above, it is clear that large portions of this debt are indeed unproductive and represent a millstone hanging around the economy's neck. There are for instance (in the case of the US) more than $16 trillion in cumulative public debt. This represents the government's debt-financed consumption of the past. Even those who erroneously believe deficit spending to be economically beneficial must realize that this debt that is the residual of past deficit spending can only harm future economic development. 



US: total public debt on the federal level – click to enlarge. 

As Ludwig von Mises wrote regarding this point in Human Action: 
“But if the government invests funds unsuccessfully and no surplus results, or if it spends the money for current expenditure, the capital borrowed shrinks or disappears entirely, and no source is opened from which interest and principal could be paid. Then taxing the people is the only method available for complying with the articles of the credit contract. In asking taxes for such payments the government makes the citizens answerable for money squandered in the past. The taxes paid are not compensated by any present service rendered by the government's apparatus. The government pays interest on capital which has been consumed and no longer exists. The treasury is burdened with the unfortunate results of past policies.” 
(emphasis added)
We would note to this: one of the many Achilles heels of deficit spending that aims to provide 'economic stimulus' is precisely that the wealth creators in the economy know very well that they will eventually be taxed to pay for it. It is a good bet their reaction will reflect this knowledge. They will become cautious, take fewer risks and curtail their investment activities. This is one of the reasons why massive deficit spending schemes such as that enacted in Japan over the past two decades consistently fail to work.
Another point worth considering is that there is also still a vast amount of mortgage debt outstanding that is effectively 'underwater'. The collateral is worth less than the remaining debt, as a consequence of the housing bubble. No-one dares to write this unsound debt off, as doing so would denude the banks of capital. And so various extend and pretend schemes have been enacted (ranging from the adoption of dubious accounting methods to delaying foreclosure proceedings to various tax-payer funded interventionist schemes that aim to prevent a write-off of this debt). This is in many ways a drag on the economy, as both lenders and potential borrowers are paralyzed by this overhang of unsound debt. 
Wealth Creation in the Market Economy and the State
In spite of the foregoing, it is important to stress that the market economy, even though it is extremely hampered, continues to create wealth. We once attended a presentation by Professor Hans-Hermann Hoppe, in which he discussed the 2008 crisis and its aftermath. There was one remark he made during the Q&A that struck us as especially pertinent to this discussion. He essentially said (we are paraphrasing from memory): “We can gauge how powerful the market economy's ability to create wealth is by considering that in most modern-day regulatory democracies, perhaps 30% of the population can be said to be involved in genuine wealth creation activities. In spite of the fact that the entire amount of wealth is created by this small minority, and that this minority is subjected to the most onerous regulations and taxes, it still manages to improve the well-being and standard of living of all of society over time.
Along similar lines, Mises stressed that although an artificial credit-induced boom leads to impoverishment, this does not mean that we should expect that we will necessarily be poorer overall at the end of a boom than at its beginning. This is so because even under the unhealthy conditions of a boom, genuine wealth creation continues. If that were not the case, the capitalist system wouldn't have been able to increase the world's stock of wealth continually ever since capitalist production processes have been adopted. However, it is also important to realize that all of this has happened in spite of the hampering of the market economy by taxation and regulations and the failed central economic planning by central banks.
Obviously though, there must be a limit to the depredations the economy can handle. Today, the State has created an environment in which most of the intellectuals who propagate political and economic ideas are essentially bought off, as the government can offer them levels of remuneration that are way beyond the value their services would command in a free market. Naturally they will tend to sotto voce engage in the vilest statist propaganda. Very few dare to bite the hand that feeds them, even if they are aware that they are promoting a harmful ideology. Presumably, quite a few of them even believe in what they are promoting. 
We can see this in many obvious contradictions, such as the fact that e.g. most economists today agree that the market economy represents the by far best system for creating wealth, but at the same time support fiat money and central economic planning by the central bank, deficit spending by the state, and all sorts of state interventions in the economy. This is an inconsistent position. Either the free market is the best system, or its opposite, full-blown socialism, is. It is simply absurd to claim that what we really need is just enough socialism so as not to kill off the market economy altogether.
We are happy to report though that the intellectual handmaidens of statism are finding it ever more difficult to propagate their memes due to the internet having opened up alternative channels of communication and information that are outside of establishment control. This has made it possible for many people to learn of ideas that have previously been suppressed. On the other hand it is clear that we are still very far from the tide having decisively turned.
In fact, because the State now finds itself under increasing financial and economic pressure, it reacts in a manner that it regards as the politically palatable 'solution' to the debt problem. This solution consists primarily of inflationary policy (see the chart of TMS-2 above for evidence), and various forms of 'financial repression'. Inflation mainly robs the poorest members of society, while financial repression, depending on what forms it takes, robs everyone. The alternatives, such as writing off the unsound debt that has accumulated or cutting unsustainable government spending, are policies that are regarded as highly detrimental to winning elections. The welfare state has created so many dependents and hangers-on, not least including a vast and powerful class of bureaucrats who represent a large block of votes, that no politician dares to veer off established lines too much. Hence financial repression is chosen as the 'lesser evil' from the point of view of the ruling classes (whose main aim it is to preserve their rule and privileges).
However, there is a big problem with this. As the above-mentioned Professor Hoppe e.g. remarks in “The Economics and Ethics of Private Property” with regard to taxation: 
“Thus, by coercively transferring valuable, not yet consumed assets from their producers (in the wider sense of the term including appropriators and contractors) to people who have not produced them, taxation reduces producers’ present income and their presently possible level of consumption. Moreover, it reduces the present incentive for future production of valuable assets and thereby also lowers future income and the future level of available consumption. Taxation is not just a punishment of consumption without any effect on productive efforts; it is also an assault on production as the only means of providing for and possibly increasing future income and consumption expenditure. By lowering the present value associated
with future-directed, value-productive efforts, taxation raises the effective rate of time preference, i.e., the rate of originary interest and, accordingly, leads to a shortening of the period of production and provision and so exerts an inexorable influence of pushing mankind into the direction of an existence of living from hand to mouth. Just increase taxation enough, and you will have mankind reduced to the level of barbaric animal beasts.” 
Hoppe also points out that regulations (which compel or prohibit exchanges between private parties), while they are just as economically harmful as taxation, don't increase the economic resources in the hands of the government. They merely satisfy the lust for power. He concludes that this is the main reason why in wars between industrialized Western States, the less regulated ones tended to win against the more regimented ones.
However, we would point out that even the US economy, which is still widely regarded as one of the less hampered and regulated Western economies, boasts the following statistics as of 2012 (Source: the Ten Thousand Commandments): 
• Total costs for Americans to comply with federal regulations reached $1.806 trillion in 2012. For the first time, this amounts to more than half of total federal spending. It is more than the GDPs of Canada or Mexico.
• This is the 20th anniversary of Ten Thousand Commandments. In the 20 years of publication, 81,883 final rules have been issued. That’s more than 3,500 per year or about nine per day.
• The Anti-Democracy Index – the ratio of regulations issued to laws passed by Congress and signed by the president – stood at 29 for 2012. That’s 127 new laws and 3,708 new rules – or a new rule every 2 ½ hours.
• Regulatory costs amount to $14,678 per family – 23 percent of the average household income of $63,685 and 30 percent of the expenditure budget of $49,705 and more than receipts from corporate and personal income taxes combined.
• Combined with $3.53 trillion in federal spending, Washington’s share of the economy now reaches 34.4 percent.
(emphasis added)
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The Fallacy of Overpopulation

The Fallacy Behind The Fallacy Of Global Warming
By Dr. Tim Ball
Global Warming was just one issue The Club of Rome (TCOR) targeted in its campaign to reduce world population. In 1993 the Club’s co-founder, Alexander King with Bertrand Schneider wrote The First Global Revolution stating,
“The common enemy of humanity is man. In searching for a new enemy to unite us, we came up with the idea that pollution, the threat of global warming, water shortages, famine and the like would fit the bill. All these dangers are caused by human intervention, and it is only through changed attitudes and behavior that they can be overcome. The real enemy then, is humanity itself.”
They believe all these problems are created by humans but exacerbated by a growing population using technology. “Changed attitudes and behavior” basically means what it has meant from the time Thomas Malthus raised the idea the world was overpopulated. He believed charity and laws to help the poor were a major cause of the problem and it was necessary to reduce population through rules and regulations. TCOR ideas all ended up in the political activities of the Rio 1992 conference organized by Maurice Strong (a TCOR member) under the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).
The assumptions and objectives became the main structure of Agenda 21, the master plan for the 21st Century. The global warming threat was confronted at Rio through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). It was structured to predetermine scientific proof that human CO2 was one contribution of the “common enemy”.
The IPCC was very successful. Despite all the revelations about corrupted science and their failed predictions (projections) CO2 remains central to global attention about energy and environment. For example, several websites, many provided by government, list CO2 output levels for new and used cars. Automobile companies work to build cars with lower CO2 output and, if for no other reason than to appear green, use it in advertising. The automotive industry, which has the scientists to know better, collectively surrenders to eco-bullying about CO2. They are not alone. They get away with it because they pass on the unnecessary costs to a befuddled “trying to do the right thing” population.
TCOR applied Thomas Malthus’s claim of a race to exhaustion of food to all resources. Both Malthus and COR believe limiting population was mandatory. Darwin took a copy of Malthus’s Essay on Population with him and remarked on its influence on his evolutionary theory in his Beagle journal in September 1838. The seeds of distortion about overpopulation were sown in Darwin’s acceptance of Malthus’s claims.
Paul Johnson’s biography of Charles Darwin comments on the contradiction between Darwin’s scientific methods and his acceptance of their omission in Malthus.
Malthus’s aim was to discourage charity and reform the existing poor laws, which, he argued, encourage the destitute to breed and so aggravated the problem. That was not Darwin’s concern. What struck him was the contrast between geometrical progression (breeding) and arithmetical progression (food supplies). Not being a mathematician he did not check the reasoning and accuracy behind Malthus’s law… in fact, Malthus’s law was nonsense. He did not prove it. He stated it. What strikes one reading Malthus is the lack of hard evidence throughout. Why did this not strike Darwin? A mystery. Malthus’s only “proof” was the population expansion of the United States.
There was no point at which Malthus’s geometrical/arithmetical rule could be made to square with the known facts. And he had no reason whatsoever to extrapolate from the high American rates to give a doubling effect every 25 years everywhere and in perpetuity.
He swallowed Malthusianism because it fitted his emotional need, he did not apply the tests and deploy the skepticism that a scientist should. It was a rare lapse from the discipline of his profession. But it was an important one.
Darwin’s promotion of Malthus undoubtedly gave the ideas credibility they didn’t deserve. Since then the Malthusian claim has dominated science, social science and latterly environmentalism. Even now many who accept the falsity of global warming due to humans continue to believe overpopulation is a real problem.
Overpopulation was central in all TCOR’s activities. Three books were important to their message, Paul Ehrlich’s The Population Bomb (1968) and Ecoscience: Population, Resources and Environment (1977) co-authored with John Holdren, Obama’s Science Czar, and Meadows et al., Limits to Growth, published in 1972 that anticipated the IPCC approach of computer model predictions (projections). The latter wrote
If the present growth trends in world population, industrialization, pollution, food production, and resource depletion continue unchanged, the limits to growth on this planet will be reached sometime within the next one hundred years.
Here is what the TCOR web site says about the book.
They created a computing model which took into account the relations between various global developments and produced computer simulations for alternative scenarios. Part of the modelling were different amounts of possibly available resources, different levels of agricultural productivity, birth control or environmental protection.
They estimated the current amount of a resource, determined the rate of consumption, and added an expanding demand because of increasing industrialization and population growth to determine, with simple linear trend analysis, that the world was doomed.
Economist Julian Simon challenged TCOR and Ehrlich’s assumptions.
In response to Ehrlich’s published claim that “If I were a gambler, I would take even money that England will not exist in the year 2000″ – a proposition Simon regarded as too silly to bother with – Simon countered with “a public offer to stake US$10,000 … on my belief that the cost of non-government-controlled raw materials (including grain and oil) will not rise in the long run.”
Simon proposed,
You could name your own terms: select any raw material you wanted – copper, tin, whatever – and select any date in the future, “any date more than a year away,” and Simon would bet that the commodity’s price on that date would be lower than what it was at the time of the wager.
John Holdren selected the materials and the time. Simon won the bet.
Global warming used the idea that CO2 would increase to harmful levels because of increasing industrialization and expanding populations. The political manipulation of climate science was linked to development and population control in various ways. Here are comments from a PBS interview with Senator Tim Wirth in response to the question,“What was it in the late 80s, do you think, that made the issue [of global warming] take off?” He replied,
I think a number of things happened in the late 1980s. First of all, there were the [NASA scientist Jim] Hansen hearings [in 1988]. … We had introduced a major piece of legislation. Amazingly enough, it was an 18-part climate change bill; it had population in it, conservation, and it had nuclear in it. It had everything that we could think of that was related to climate change. … And so we had this set of hearings, and Jim Hansen was the star witness.
Wikipedia says about Wirth,
In the State Department, he worked with Vice President Al Gore on global environmental and population issues, supporting the administration’s views on global warming. A supporter of the proposed Kyoto Protocol Wirth announced the U.S.’s commitment to legally binding limits on greenhouse gas emissions.
Gore chaired the 1988 “Hansen” Senate Hearing and was central to the promotion of population as basic to all other problems. He led the US delegation to the September 1994International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo Egypt.
That conference emerged from Rio 1992 where they linked population to all other supposed problems.
Explicitly integrating population into economic and development strategies will both speed up the pace of sustainable development and poverty alleviation and contribute to the achievement of population objectives and an improved quality of life of the population.
This theme was central to Rio+20 held in June 2012 and designed to re-emphasize Rio 1992.
The Numbers
The world is not overpopulated. That fallacy is perpetuated in all environmental research, policy and planning including global warming and latterly climate change. So what are the facts about world population?
The US Census Bureau provides a running estimate of world population. It was 6,994,551,619 on February 15, 2012. On October 30, 2011 the UN claimed it passed 7 billion; the difference is 5,448,381. This is more than the population of 129 countries of the 242 listed by Wikipedia. It confirms most statistics are crude estimates, especially those of the UN who rely on individual member countries, yet no accurate census exists for any of them
Population density is a more meaningful measure. Most people are concentrated in coastal flood plains and deltas, which are about 5 percent of the land. Compare Canada, the second largest country in the world with approximately 35.3 million residents estimated in 2013with California where an estimated 37.3 million people lived in 2010. Some illustrate the insignificance of the density issue by putting everyone in a known region. For example, Texas at 7,438,152,268,800 square feet divided by the 2012 world population 6,994,551,619 yields 1063.4 square feet per person. Fitting all the people in an area is different from them being able to live there. Most of the world is unoccupied by humans

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Virulent racists and fiendish eugenicists still forcing their genocical agenda

UN Unveils Plot to Reduce African Population

by  Alex Newman
The United Nations and its oftentimes barbaric population-control apparatus are under fire again after releasing a deeply controversial report claiming that the African population of Kenya is too large and growing too quickly. To deal with the supposed “challenge,” as the UN and its “partners” in the national government put it, international bureaucrats are demanding stepped up efforts to brainwash Kenyan women into wanting fewer children. Also on the agenda: more taxpayer-funded “family-planning” and “reproductive-health” schemes to reduce the number of Africans to levels considered “desirable” by the UN.
Critics promptly lambasted the plot as undisguised eugenics, with some experts calling it a true example of the “war on women.” Among other concerns, analysts outraged by the report noted that the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) and the establishment’s fiendish efforts to slash human populations — especially those considered “undesirable” by self-appointed guardians of the gene pool — have a long and sordid history going back decades. Today, the agenda marches on, as illustrated in the latest UN report calling for drastically reduced numbers of Kenyans.
Especially troubling is the eugenics component of the agenda, critics say. “This kind of eugenics by the United Nations and their population-control conspirators is not helping the black family but turning large poor families into small poor families,” explained Mark Crutcher, president of the U.S.-based pro-life group Life Dynamics. Crutcher is also the producer of the hard-hitting documentary Maafa21, which exposes what he calls the ongoing genocide of blacks worldwide by prominent establishment forces.
The controversial report, produced by the Kenyan government’s “population” minions and the UNFPA, claims that — despite dramatic declines in fertility over recent decades — authorities must do much more to bring the population down to “desirable” levels. Citing debunked claims about what the UN views as “too many” people supposedly resulting in a wide range of real and imagined problems, the radical document outlines numerous schemes to reduce the population. Among the suggested plots: more taxpayer-funded contraception, re-education, “empowering” women, reducing the “demand” for children, and more.
“One issue surrounds the realization of the policy objective of reducing total fertility rates from the current level of 4.6 to 2.6 children per woman by 2030,” observes the report, taking special aim at the poor. “This is because the demand for children is still high and is unlikely to change unless substantial changes in desired family sizes are achieved.” Incredibly, the document also states matter-of-factly that there is a “need for rapid decline in fertility.” Thus, the UN population-control zealots claimed, “the challenge is how to reduce the continued high demand for children.”
The more than 300-page report, dubbed “Kenya Population Situation Analysis,” does not explicitly call for abortion. However, experts say anyone versed in the UN’s deceptive bureaucratic language would see the real agenda clearly. For example, the document is packed with references to so-called “reproductive health” and “reproductive rights.” As then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton put it in a 2010 speech, “reproductive health includes contraception and family planning and access to legal, safe abortion.”
Despite occasional claims to the contrary, the Western establishment and the UN have been working fiendishly to promote abortion worldwide. The self-proclaimed goal of the UNFPA, displayed proudly on its website, is “achieving universal access to sexual and reproductive health (including family planning) and promoting reproductive rights.” In Communist China, the UNFPA and its co-conspirators at Planned Parenthood have even been implicated during congressional hearings in forced abortions.
Another common theme throughout the report on Kenya is the alleged “need” to prod women into delaying marriage, family, and child-bearing. Some of the proposed methods for achieving that goal include “education,” with a wide range of schemes admittedly aimed at brainwashing African women into having fewer children. “The achievement of lower fertility is complicated by differences between individual fertility preferences and desirable fertility levels,” the report explains. In other words, the UN knows better than African families.
“Investing” in what the UN calls “education” and “health,” the document continues, would “contribute to the attainment of more favorable demographic indicators.” The “favorable” outcomes the population-control zealots are seeking, according to the report, include “lower fertility through enhanced contraceptive use” and “lower ideal family size.” The document also advocates getting more women into the workforce and government-mandated changes in “gender roles” as a way to ensure fewer African births.
“Sustainable development requires Kenya to be in a position to proactively address, rather than only react to, the population trends that will unfold over the next decades,” the widely criticized UN report continues, alluding to another one of the international outfit’s controversial ploys — sustainability — to empower itself at the expense of liberty, humanity, and national independence. “Universal access to sexual and reproductive health is still being constrained by a number of factors that are economic, social and cultural. UNFPA is expected to be in the forefront in supporting implementation of the Reproductive Health Policy.”
As with coercive sterilization in India and forced abortions in China, American taxpayers are unwittingly helping to fund the radical UN efforts across Africa. Last year alone, for instance, U.S. taxpayers were forced into providing more than $30 million to the UNFPA. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), meanwhile, spent almost $11 million of public funds in 2011 on “family planning” and “reproductive services” in Kenya. By comparison, it spent $60,000 on nutrition. With the Obama administration’s slavish devotion to Planned Parenthood, the UN, and the broader population-control agenda, those numbers are expected to continue rising unless Congress puts its foot down.
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The Right side of history

Why liberals are conflicted over patriotism and western values
by Daniel Hannan
Why is patriotism, in English-speaking societies, mainly associated with conservatives? After all, measured against almost any other civilizational model, the Anglosphere has been overwhelmingly progressive.
It is true that the individualism of English-speaking societies has an anti-socialist bias: There has always been a measure of resistance to taxation, to state power, and, indeed, to collectivism of any kind. But look at the other side of the balance: equality before the law, regardless of sex or race, secularism, toleration for minorities, absence of censorship, social mobility, and universal schooling. In how many other places are these things taken for granted?
So why is the celebration of national identity a largely Rightist pursuit in English-speaking societies? It won’t do to say that patriotism is, by its nature, a Right-of-center attitude. In the European tradition, if anything, the reverse was the case. Continental nationalists—those who believed that the borders of their states should correlate to ethnic or linguistic frontiers—were, more often than not, radicals. The 1848 revolutions in Europe were broadly Leftist in inspiration. When the risings were put down, and the old monarchical-clerical order reestablished, the revolutionaries overwhelmingly fled to London, the one city that they knew would give them sanctuary. With the exception of Karl Marx, who never forgave the country that had sheltered him for failing to hold the revolution that he forecast, they admired Britain for its openness, tolerance, and freedom.
So what stops English-speaking Leftists from doing the same? Why, when they recall their history, do they focus, not on the extensions of the franchise or the war against slavery or the defeat of Nazism, but on the wicked imperialism of, first, the British and, later, the Americans?
The answer lies neither in politics nor in history, but in psychology. The more we learn about how the brain works, the more we discover that people’s political opinions tend to be a rationalization of their instincts. We subconsciously pick the data that sustain our prejudices and block out those that don’t. We can generally spot this tendency in other people; we almost never acknowledge it in ourselves.
A neat illustration of the phenomenon is the debate over global warming. At first glance, it seems odd that climate change should divide commentators along Left–Right lines. Science, after all, depends on data, not on our attitudes to taxation or defense or the family. The trouble is that we all have assumptions, scientists as much as anyone else. Our ancestors learned, on the savannahs of Pleistocene Africa, to make sense of their surroundings by finding patterns, and this tendency is encoded deep in our DNA. It explains the phenomenon of cognitive dissonance. When presented with a new discovery, we automatically try to press it into our existing belief system; if it doesn’t fit, we question the discovery before the belief system. Sometimes this habit leads us into error. But without it, we should hardly survive at all. As Edmund Burke argued, life would become impossible if we tried to think through every new situation from first principles, disregarding both our own experience and the accumulated wisdom of our people—if, in other words, we shed all prejudice.
If you begin with the beliefs that wealthy countries became wealthy by exploiting poor ones, that state action does more good than harm, and that we could all afford to pay a bit more tax, you are likelier than not to accept a thesis that seems to demand government intervention, supranational technocracy, and global wealth redistribution.
If, on the other hand, you begin from the propositions that individuals know better than governments, that collectivism was a demonstrable failure, and that bureaucracies will always seek to expand their powers, you are likelier than not to believe that global warming is just the left’s latest excuse for centralizing power.
Each side, convinced of its own bona fides, suspects the motives of the other, which is what makes the debate so vinegary. Proponents of both points of view are quite sure that they are dealing in proven facts, and that their critics must therefore be either knaves or fools.
The two sides don’t simply disagree about the interpretation of data; they disagree about the data. Never mind how to respond to changes in temperature; there isn’t even agreement on the extent to which the planet is heating. Though we all like to think we are dealing with hard, pure, demonstrable statistics, we are much likelier to be fitting the statistics around our preferred Weltanschauung.
Central to the worldview of most people who self-identify as Left-of-center is an honorable and high-minded impulse, namely support for the underdog. This impulse is by no means confined to Leftists, but Leftists exaggerate it, to the exclusion of rival impulses.
Jonathan Haidt is a psychologist, a man who began as a partisan liberal, and who set out to explain why political discourse was so bitter. In his seminal 2012 book, The Righteous Mind, he explains the way people of Left and Right fit their perceptions around their instinctive starting points. As he puts it, our elephant (our intuition) leans toward a particular conclusion; and its rider (our conscious reasoning) then scampers around seeking to justify that lean with what look like objective facts.
The liberal Support for the underdog is balanced by other tendencies in conservatives, such as respect for sanctity. In Leftists, it is not. Once you grasp this difference, all the apparent inconsistencies and contradictions of the Leftist outlook make sense. It explains why liberals think that immigration and multiculturalism are a good thing in Western democracies, but a bad thing in, say, the Amazon rain forest. It explains how people can simultaneously demand equality between the sexes and quotas for women. It explains why Israel is seen as right when fighting the British but wrong when fighting the Palestinians.

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Hungary Sets Up a State Authority to Rewrite History

Nearly half of Hungary’s Jews are actively considering emigration because of the unmitigated rise anti-Semitism


by Thomas Ország-Land
The physical destruction of European Jewry during the Nazi era has been probably the most thoroughly documented disaster in all human history. A huge proportion of the eyewitness accounts, expert analyses and artistic depiction of that catastrophe pertains to the organized murder of close to 600,000 Hungarian citizens of Jewish birth perpetrated by the Hungarian state in collaboration with Nazi Germany. This happened at the close of the Second World War when an Allied victory was already obvious.
Randolph L. Braham, the doyen of Holocaust studies and once a youth survivor of a Hungarian slave-labour camp, has assembled and classified the thousands of books and articles generated by the Hungarian Holocaust and made them accessible through an invaluable bibliography. It is accompanied by a magisterial encyclopaedia, edited by Braham and introduced by the Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel, an Auschwitz survivor, chronicling the wartime fate of thousands of ravaged Jewish communities. Both authors are enormously influential American historians of Hungarian origin well disposed towards
These books are likely to prove useful for university courses in Holocaust studies and European history as well as political science, literature and sociology. They are being published at a critical moment.
Fearing a significant setback in national elections widely expected in April, Hungary‘s ultra-Conservative, populist government has set about courting the resurgent far-Right by denying in its new constitution the country’s enduring responsibility for the Holocaust. The government has also included several anti-Semitic authors in the national school curriculum, tacitly encouraged demands by anti-Semitic nationalists for the official rehabilitation of the WW2 leader Miklós Horthy and, in the worst tradition of East European authoritarianism, it has just announced plans for the establishment of a state historical research foundation clearly intended to rewrite official history.
This has contributed to mounting safety concerns by the surviving Jewish community. Authoritative research results just published by the Vienna-based Fundamental Rights Agency suggest that nearly half of Hungary’s Jews are actively considering emigration because of the unmitigated rise anti-Semitism. Theirs is the highest proportion of Jews to entertain such plans in the eight countries surveyed where Europe’s largest Jewish populations live. Braham’s books comprise a treasure house of meticulously assembled research findings exploring the background to the unfolding social crisis.
The three-volume geographical encyclopaedia is an exhaustive research and teaching aid chronicling the tragedy of hundreds of well established East European Jewish communities deeply loyal to the indigenous society that enthusiastically participated in their destruction. Illustrated by many historic photographs, the work is organized alphabetically by county, each section prefaced with a map and a contextual history describing its Jewish population up to and into the fateful year of 1944.
Entries track the demographic, cultural, and religious changes in even the smallest communities where Jews lived before their marginalization, dispossession, ghettoization and eventual deportation to slave-labour and death camps. It provides both panoramic and microscopic views of the destruction of most of the Jews of Hungary, until then the last significant surviving Jewish community within Nazi-occupied Europe.
Most individual entries are set out in a common format, detailing the first available records of local Jewish settlement; employment patterns; synagogues and other community buildings and their ultimate fate; the names of rabbis and other leaders; shifts in the local Jewish population from the beginning until the Holocaust; references to Jewish-Christian relations; Zionist organization; the implementation of anti-Jewish measures; the deportation of Jews; survival statistics; Jewish demographics up to the present; and whether there is a Holocaust memorial in the town today.
The bibliography is an indispensable guide through the maze of source material quantifying the tragedy. It includes close to six thousand annotated references to independent and periodical literature published in many countries and in many languages on all aspects of the recorded history of Hungarian Jewry before, during, and after the Holocaust. References to works in Hebrew, Russian and Yiddish are rendered in English translation. Each entry is provided with a succinct annotation when its title is not indicative of its content. Supplied with author, name, and geographic indexes, the book is easily usable.
It lists a wealth of little known but valuable material as well as work that has come to shape our view of the Holocaust. Its authors include such outstanding witnesses and commentators as Miklós Radnóti, probably the greatest poet of the Holocaust whose collection of poetry has just been publicly torched in an orgy of book burning at a rally of Hungarian racists. There are also such authorities as György Konrád, the sociologist and best-selling novelist, Zsuzsanna Ozsváth, professor of Holocaust studies and literature at Texas University in Dallas, and Paul Lendvai, a much revered foreign correspondent based in Vienna and lately also in Budapest, who is bitterly loathed by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.
The book faithfully represents the views of some academic apologists of Holocaust deniers as well as the treatment they sometimes manage to provoke from eminent historians. For example, one article listed by the book, originally published in the Budapest Népszabadságnewspaper by Géza Jeszenszky, a Rightist politician turned historian, defends the new Orbán constitution by minimizing the responsibility of the state for the Holocaust crimes of the Horthy era. And his argument is accompanied by a brilliant rebuttal by Professor István Deák, a highly respected Hungarian historian at Columbia University, New York, in the context of a wider discussion of Orbán’s undemocratic legislative programme.
The government’s new constitution muscled through parliament in the absence of cross-party support came into force in 2012. It denies not the occurrence of the Holocaust but Hungary’s culpability for the Holocaust murders during the rule of Admiral Horthy, by shifting all blame on his German Nazi allies. Teachers throughout the Hungarian school system departing from this line face dismissal.
And the administration is about to set up a historiography authority operating under government control to clarify remaining controversial issues of the past. It will be called the Veritas Institute of Historical Research and open in 2014, the election year that the government has also just devoted to Holocaust remembrance. The purpose of the institute, according to the official Gazette, is “to strengthen national cohesion” by generating popular awareness of “the true nature of the fateful political and social developments” in the country’s recent history “interpreted correctly and free of distortion.”

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Illusions of Control in the Omnicompetent French State

Discontent springs eternal, and therefore so does the search for scapegoats
by Theodore Dalrymple
Should there be any limitation on the freedom of public expression, and if so why, how and when imposed? The question has become acute in France where the Minister of the Interior, Manuel Valls, has declared his intention of seeking to silence a stand-up comedian, Dieudonné M’Bala M’Bala, because of his increasingly anti-Semitic tirades. M. Valls, hitherto the most popular minister in President Hollande’s government, has managed to corner himself by an astonishing lack of adroitness, having fallen prey to the illusion of many politicians in a highly centralized state, namely that they can control what happens in society.
M’Bala M’Bala – known universally in France by his first name – was born 47 years ago of a French mother and a Cameroonian father. He started his career as a left-wing satirist in a duo with a Jewish colleague called Elie Semoun, but they fell out and M’Bala M’Bala thereafter grew ever more anti-semitic in his comic act. In 2007 he was fined nearly $10,000 for having called the Holocaust ‘memorial pornography.’ Increasingly refused access to mainstream media, he bought and still runs a one man theatre in Paris, theThéâtre de la Main d’Or, where it now takes several months to obtain a ticket. Repeated denunciation by the great and the good has done nothing to curb his popularity: he has 400,000 ‘friends’ on Facebook (more than half the number of Jews in France) and has popularized a gesture called la quenelle whose precise meaning is contested (especially by M’Bala M’Bala when he is in trouble with the law) but which now seems to almost everyone to be a forme fruste of the Nazi salute.
The social composition of M’Bala M’Bala’s friends and supporters is revealing and instructive. There are Holocaust deniers, of course, or those who think it did not go far enough (among them M’Bala M’Bala himself, who said of Patrick Cohen, a Jewish radio announcer, ‘When I hear him speak, I say to myself, gas chambers… what a pity.’); members of the national Front; disgruntled youth of North African origin and Palestinisan sympathies; Third-Worldists who, again like M’Bala M’Bala himself, are against what they call ‘the System.’
Hostility to, and resentment against, ‘the System’ is what unites these groups, and what makes possible a de facto, and indeed intellectually semi-coherent, alliance between the far left and the far right: for what both really hate is the spontaneous order of liberalism which they see as the origin of their woes and dissatisfactions.
The French press, media and intellectuals castigate ad nauseam what they call the ‘ultra-liberalism’ of the present-day western world: and their characterization, as intellectually lazy as it is inaccurate, now goes virtually by default. Very few are the commentators who see through its inaccuracy. That a country whose public sector accounts for more than half of economic activity, and which is as highly-administered as France (and, it must be said, often well-administered, for who would not rather go on the Paris Metro than the New York Subway?), cannot plausibly be described as ‘ultra-liberal,’ ought to be perfectly obvious even on the most casual reflection, but alas it is not. If France is ultra-anything it is ultra-corporatist, but even that would be an exaggeration. And so present discontents are laid at the door of ultra-liberalism, though in fact a considerable proportion of the resentments and discontents of the young who approve of M’Bala M’Bala are attributable to the rigidity of the French labor market, which is caused precisely by an illiberal nexus of protections and restrictions.

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Bernanke's era of anarchy to go on

Money creation out of "thin air" is a pure redistribution of wealth
By Noureddine Krichene 
A recent survey by Transparency International put Somalia top of their country ranking for corruption; very amusing indeed; that top spot is due, in part, to acts of piracy committed by Somali pirates. 
Piracy is confiscation of wealth by brute force. Money counterfeiting confiscates wealth, and so does swindling. Bernie Madoff was sentenced to 10 years in jail, simply because swindling is a crime; his victims lost their wealth that they had entrusted to him. Yet, when outgoing Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke prints every US$85 billion every month out of thin air, this act is considered a virtue - even though it is forced confiscation of wealth. It is called an economic "stimulus" in that, according to its proponents, it boosts the economy and moves it towards full employment. 
Bernanke leaves office at the end of this month following destructive years during which he spread financial chaos, mass-unemployment, inflation, confiscation, and poverty in the US and beyond. 
The United States was enjoying great prosperity before Bernanke turned it into a country of desolation. His tenure as a policy maker and Fed chairman will be seen by history as an era of fallacies and anarchy. His unorthodox money policies and near-zero interest rates helped to bring about the worst financial nightmares in the post-World War II period, destroyed US banks, and set off currency devaluation in other industrialized countries. 

Ignoring the US Constitution and thinking of money as a baby's toy, Bernanke ruled with absolute power in money destruction. Comparing 2000, just before Bernanke joined the Fed board of governors in 2002, and 2013, we can say that Bernanke deservedly won the title "Helicopter Ben". Fed credit rose from US$0.5 trillion to $4 trillion, a multiple of eight. US government debt is now at $17 trillion, compared with $3.4 trillion before his move to the Fed. Crude oil is at $100/barrel compared with $18/barrel; gold rose from $250 an ounce to $1,300 an ounce. Food prices are at least four times higher. Stock price indices shattered all records in 2013. Yet US real per-capita incomes are far less than in 2000. That is Bernanke's legacy of disorder. 
Bernanke believes in a theory that stipulates that "money helicoptering" is the key to prosperity and full-employment. So fancy is this theory that it has been marvelled at by US politicians and academics alike. And it is so fallacious that many years of injecting vast amounts of money into the economy have utterly failed to achieve full employment, merely chaos. 
If his theory were true, full-employment would have been almost instantaneous. Contrary to sciences where relations are exact, economics theories may never be confirmed by facts. In exact sciences, there is an immutable relation between temperature and mercury expansion, for instance, which enables us to measure temperature with precision. In economics, there is no such exact relationship between zero interest and full-employment. If an exact relationship existed, Bernanke would have attained full-employment many years ago. 
He only encouraged intense asset speculation and brought about financial disorder, and impoverishment. He is not alone in this, for sure - many economic theories their proponents claimed to be exact, such as communism and Keynesianism, have failed miserably and caused disasters wherever applied. Now we can add or Bernanke-ism to that roll of dishonor. 
When Somali pirates get a ransom for a ship, no doubt this money will increase demand for goods and services by the pirates; it will squeeze the demand for goods and services of those who had to pay it. Piracy employment is uncertain and piracy itself amounts to a redistribution of wealth only - not the creation of wealth.
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