Gripes about
capitalism go back 150 years and more. In the Communist Manifesto of
1848 Marx and Engels thundered that the specter of revolution haunted Europe,
that the periodic reappearance of commercial crises “put on its trial, each
time more threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society.”
They were not the first to assail the system and were followed by numerous
others spanning the political spectrum.
Thus the Financial Times recently started a series on “The Crisis of Capitalism.” Europe
suffers from a sovereign debt crisis due to over-spending by governments—why is
that the crisis of capitalism?
But one should not quibble. It is an old tradition. In the 1998 turmoil brought on by Russia’s default on its bonds and the failure of a large hedge fund, commentaries appeared bearing titles such asThe Crisis in Global Capitalism, Global Capitalism RIP, Collapse of Capitalism, Who Lost Capitalism? and The Free Market’s Crisis of Faith.
But one should not quibble. It is an old tradition. In the 1998 turmoil brought on by Russia’s default on its bonds and the failure of a large hedge fund, commentaries appeared bearing titles such asThe Crisis in Global Capitalism, Global Capitalism RIP, Collapse of Capitalism, Who Lost Capitalism? and The Free Market’s Crisis of Faith.
I’ve taken those
titles from a response by Michael Boskin, “Capitalism and its
Discontents,” a classic that rings true 14 years later and
merits re-reading. It makes one realize how very persistent and
impervious the attacks are. No matter how well the case is
made for capitalism on economic and moral grounds, no matter how clearly the argument is presented (Boskin makes an eminently persuasive and readable case), as soon as a problem arises many voices will condemn the system.
made for capitalism on economic and moral grounds, no matter how clearly the argument is presented (Boskin makes an eminently persuasive and readable case), as soon as a problem arises many voices will condemn the system.
Of course it was
communism that in fact collapsed in the late 20th century, but
because humans beings are fallible, all political-economic systems are apt to
run into some problem, and so pundits continue to write tombstone epitaphs for
capitalism.
Boskin’s 1998
speech contains an anecdote illustrating a certain mindset. In 1989
President George H.W. Bush sent Boskin, then Chairman of the Council of
Economic Advisers, to Moscow to help Gorbachev with Soviet economic reform.
There he met, among others, the head of Gosplan, the government planning
agency. The man asked: “Who sets the prices in your economy?” Boskin explained
that most prices arise from the decisions of buyers and sellers.
The
Gosplan chief asked again: “So who sets the prices in your economy?” Again
Boskin explained. No effect. The stolid Soviet bureaucrat took out a giant
computer printout containing the official prices of all products in the Soviet
Union. Unable to conceive of markets working without government price setting,
he may have thought of “reform” as central planners using a different technique
for determining prices, perhaps a different computer model that Americans could
provide.
I imagine
Gosplan honchos’ education did not include reading Hayek, who explained
why no central planning technique can work—some half-century before the
frustrating meeting in Moscow. Today’s protestors do not call for central
planning but do favor more government, whether in the form of greater
regulation or measures to equalize income distribution. There is little
evidence that these work any better than central planning; interventions like
welfare programs are notable for their bad unintended consequences.
Nevertheless,
like the Soviet planner Western statists can’t conceive of the possibility that
non-intervention is better in most areas. There is a powerful myth that if some
government is good, more government is even better and by intervening in
everything that we don’t like, we’ll achieve egalitarian Nirvana with no
crises.
Meanwhile we’ve
been very fortunate. Despite a variety of destructive public policies and the
limits to individuals’ wisdom whether in market or government, capitalism
has brought about an immense growth in income and numerous innovations that
make life easier and more enjoyable. As a result we’re all better off than the
authors of theCommunist Manifesto 164 years ago.
Engels was a
rich industrialist and supported Marx, who wasted a small fortune inherited
from his family. They were obviously members of the bourgeois class they
condemned, but compared to us their entire bourgeoisie was worse off. We have
more food and clothing and better housing, are healthier and live longer. There
is no alternative to capitalism because nothing else has worked as well, crises
and all.
That’s the
reality but we keep hoping we’ll find some government intervention that will
take us to Nirvana.
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